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A documented study of the role National Education 
Association is taking in the indoctrination of the youth 
of our country with the ideology of Communism- 

Fourth Printing 1958 


324 Newbury Street 

Boston 15, Massachusetts 

Copyright, 1953, by Edward K. Meador 
Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 53-10105 

Printed in the United States of America 

The Meador Press, Boston, Massachusetts 


To all my teachers — 

Those noble Christian men and women who, during 
the years of the decades spanning the turn of the cen- 
tury, strove mightily to guide a reluctant scholar into 
the paths of learning; and, by precept and example, 
pointed the way to an upright Christian life, this little 
book is respectfully and lovingly dedicated. Not once 
did any one of them hint to me or my classmates that 
it is silly to believe in spiritual things because science 
has wiped out all reason to believe in any such foolish 
notions. Never from one of them did I get as much 
as a tiny suggestion that the Declaration of Independ- 
ence and the Constitution are sham documents, craftily 
drafted to cement the power of wealth over the poor 
and downtrodden of the nation. All these teachers 
have removed to places unknown to me, or, as is more 
likely in the case of the majority, have gone to their 
rewards. But they live on, in my heart. 

By the Same Author 

Collectivism Challenges Christianity 



Chapter Page 

Introduction — Wheels Within Wheels 7 

I Following the Communist-Socialist Line 17 

II Using Communist-Socialist Techniques 29 

III Broadening Propaganda Field 49 

IV "Building America" 63 

V Progressive Education "Exposes" Prop- 
aganda 83 

VI Preoccupation with Democracy 96 

VII Fostering Materialistic Educational Pol- 
icies 117 

VIII Promoting International Collectivism 131 

IX John Dewey's Philosophy "In a Nutshell" 146 

X An Over-All View of NEA 157 

Index 183 


Wheels Within Wheels 

Thucydides, Greek historian who lived twenty-four 
centuries ago, observed that history repeats. All down 
through the centuries men have pondered this saying 
and repeated it so often that it may be called a cliche. 
Few have dared to disagree ; millions have agreed, and 
lauded the wisdom of the man who first made the 

The National Council of Education was one of the 
more important "wheels within wheels"* that went to 
make up that vast, complicated machine which is the 
National Education Association. NCE was organized 
in 1880, growing out of a paper read by Thomas W. 
Bicknell before the Department of Superintendence of 
NEA. In the intervening years, until dissolution in 
1948, NCE was a powerful factor in determining the 
policies and programs of NEA. 

When the Department of Superintendence was in 
session in Cleveland, O., in February, 1934, Willard 
E. Givens, then superintendent of schools at Oakland, 
California, brought in the report of the fourth of 
seven u topic groups," which he served as chairman. 
The group's report, "Education for the New Amer- 
ica," Chairman Givens declared, "comes directly from 
the thinking of more than one thousand members of 
the department." Here are excerpts from the report, 
which seems to have set the pattern for the policies 

*Ezekiel 1:16, about 595 B. C. 


and programs of NEA since that time : 

In this critical transition period, great issues 
confront us, especially the issue of building an 
economy of plenty for all. . . . engineers assure 
us that the production system cannot be kept go- 
ing unless we distribute a very large amount of 
purchasing power to all of the people. . . . 

But to achieve these things, many drastic 
changes must be made. A dying laissez-faire 
must be completely destroyed and all of us, includ- 
ing the "owners," must be subjected to a large 
degree of social control. A large section of our 
discussion group, accepting the conclusions of dis- 
tinguished students, maintain that in our fragile, 
interdependent society the credit agencies, the 
basic industries and utilities cannot be centrally 
planned and operated under private ownership. 
Hence, they will join in creating a swift nation- 
wide campaign of adult education which will sup- 
port President Roosevelt in taking these over and 
operating them at full capacity as a unified na- 
tional system in the interest of all the people. 
• • • 

Moreover, this kind of adult education is neces- 
sary if we are to take the next educational step, 
namely, the building of a great program of studies 
for the schools of the new America. One central 
core of that program will be a new social science 
which will be built directly from the factors and 
problems of our contemporary society; . . . 

Corresponding changes must be made in the 
life that the young people will live in the school. 
The whole competitive regime and its scheme of 
rank-order marks and promotions will have to be 
replaced by a program of cooperation and self- 
cultivation. . . . 

In a planned economy we may expect improve- 
ment of education by reason of: (a) Continuous 


improvement within the social order whereby ed- 
ucation shall have available better mores to trans- 
mit; (b) by the operation of a planning organiza- 
tion or agency, which may consider a new and 
better social framework within which society may 
operate; and (c) the functioning of the school 
as an agency in the work of planning. Such a plan- 
ning agency must necessarily consist of individuals 
made up from groups fully representative of the 
society and favorable to the modification of the 
established order toward more desirable goals. 
The machinery for such planning should be na- 
tional in set-up and operation.* 

Thus was sounded the clarion call for drastic, revo- 
lutionary change in the national economy through 
"planning" and government ownership of the banking 
institutions and all basic industries, with a system of 
"progressive education" in the public schools training 
the leadership for the planned economy which is to 
supplant our free competitive society. 

At the 1935 NEA convention, Chairman Givens 
made his first appearance before the association as its 
duly elected executive secretary, a position he held un- 
til his retirement in 1952. f The following biographi- 
cal sketch is from NEA History, by Mildred Sandison 
Fenner, assistant editor, Journal of the NEA, copy- 
right and published, 1945, by National Education 

*Page 647 ff, Proceedings of the National Education Association, 1934. 

fAs of August 1, 1952, Dr. Givens was succeeded as executive secre- 
tary of NEA by William G(eorge) Carr, who had been associate 
secretary since 1940. Dr. Carr is the author of books, pamphlets and 
magazine articles in the fields of international relations and school 
finance and administration. He has served as secretary of the Edu- 
cational Policies Commission of NEA and AASA ; he was a member 
of the U. S. National Commission on UNESCO, 1945-50, and has 
been general secretary of the World Organization of the Teaching 
Profession since its organization in 1946. 


Willard E. Givens, who received his bachelor's 
degree from Indiana University in 1913 and his 
master's from Columbia University in 1915, had 
been an instructor in the Naval Officers Training 
School at Mare Island during World War I; 
rural and high school teacher; elementary, junior 
and high school principal; superintendent of pub- 
lic instruction in Hawaii; superintendent of 
schools in San Diego and Oakland, California. 
Active in both civic and professional life, he was 
a former president of the California State Teach- 
ers Association, he had served as state director 
of National Education Association for Hawaii 
and California and had been a member of the 
NEA Committee on Social-Economic Goals. 

Report of the Committee on Economic Goals had 
been published in the January, 1934, issue of The 
Journal of the National Education Association as an 
eight-page section which also was circulated in reprint 
form. Six men wrote the report. The authors: Fred 
J. Kelly, Chief, Higher Education Division, U. S. 
Office of Education, Washington, D. C, chairman; 
John Dewey, professor emeritus, Columbia Univer- 
sity; Edward A. Ross, professor of sociology, Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin; Robert C. Moore, secretary, Illinois 
State Teachers Association; Leon C. Marshall, some- 
time professor of law, Johns Hopkins University, and 
Dr. Givens. The report was embodied in and made 
part of the report of the larger committee headed by 
Dr. Givens. 

The six-man committee report was milder in tone 
than that of the committee reporting to the Depart- 
ment of Superintendence. The new trend of thought 
among the educational leaders of the day was inferred 
rather than declared openly, though a careful reader 
might have discerned more than the writers intended 


to be understood at the moment. As, for example, im- 
plications of the following paragraph are not too 
obscure : 

(C) Placement and advancement — The indi- 
vidual worker today is in many cases so far re- 
moved from the control of his own occupational 
fate that society has a stake in connecting him 
with a fitting job and in seeing to it that progress 
in his occupation results normally from efficient 

Continuing with examination of the proceedings of 
the 1934 meetings of NEA and its subsidiary groups, 
we find that a speaker at the annual meeting of the 
National Council of Education was W. E. Peik, then 
associate professor of education, University of Min- 
nesota, Minneapolis, Minn. 

Fifteen years later, this expert in education and ad- 
ministration was to be dean of the College of Educa- 
tion, University of Minnesota, and come to the defense 
of a former member of the college staff, Dr. Theodore 
Brameld of the University of New York. 

It was while Dr. Brameld was a member of the Min- 
nesota University faculty that he played a stellar role 
in conduct of an experiment in the Floodwood, Minn., 
high school. A group from the University headed by 
Dr. Brameld, demonstrated to the school faculty and 
the community the latest and most approved methods 
of indoctrination of adolescents with the philosophy 
and ideology of the Communist-Socialist movement. 

Through the "educational process" as approved by 
the College of Education, and the Graduate School of 
the University, which financed the project, 51 juniors 
and seniors of the school were led to acceptance of 
such premises as these: 


"Socialism and communism belong in the libertarian 
stream of democratic thought" ; 

"Family life is in need of change in its traditional 
form" ; 

"It is the business of government to see that every 
family attains a certain minimum in food, clothing and 
shelter"; and 

"Government should take the responsibility for over- 
all planning for full employment." 

The terminology in the four quoted statements just 
above is from Dr. Brameld' s book, Design for America, 
published as an American Education Fellowship book, 
1945, by Hinds, Hayden & Eldredge, Inc. Content 
of the book is devoted exclusively to description of the 
techniques of the Floodwood experiment and account- 
ing of the results. 

One of the earlier publications of National Council 
for American Education, organized for the purpose of 
combatting Communist-Socialist infiltration into the 
schools, colleges and universities of the nation, was a 
critical review and appraisal of Design for America. 

Published in leaflet form and in successively larger 
printings, this review was widely circulated. Natu- 
rally a great many copies went into Minnesota and the 
Minneapolis-St. Paul area, but it was more than a year 
before any mention of the book or criticism of it "crept 
into" Minneapolis newspapers, owned and controlled 
by the Cowles brothers. 

At long last, a critical letter from a citizen was given 
space in the "Letters from the People" column of a 
Minneapolis daily newspaper. It did not appear even 
then until the editor had secured, for simultaneous pub- 
lication, a ringing defense of Dr. Brameld and his 
book, written by Dean Peik. 

The dean took the customary position — Dr. Brameld 


was fully within his rights as an educator, and fully 
protected under the commonly accepted application of 
the principle of academic freedom. A fillip was added 
to the defense by editorial indulgence when, a little 
later, Dr. Brameld was given space for further reply 
which consisted almost entirely of highly colored 
charges levelled at National Council for American 
Education and its officers and writers. 

Dr. Brameld is author of several books. His first, 
A Philosophic Approach to Communism, privately 
published, 1933, and distributed by The University of 
Chicago Libraries, was an expansion of his doctoral 
thesis submitted two years earlier "in candidacy for 
the degree of doctor of philosophy," which was duly 
granted by the University of Chicago. 

Contemplating the epistemology of Communism 
through consideration, weighing and comparing the 
ofttimes conflicting theories of Hobbes and Mill, Locke 
and Hegel, Spinoza and Spargo, and scores of others, 
and with particular concern as to whether Communism 
is a philosophy of acquiescence or activity, Dr. Bra- 
meld leads his readers through 221 toilsome pages to 
come up with this, on Page 222 : "And the devotee 
of Communism . . . becomes at once creator and 
worshipper of a magnificent human order." Cynical 
readers will suggest that this, apparently, was the aim 
and goal of the author, and that surely he could have 
reached it, as others have, by a far less tortuous path. 

Dr. Brameld was at the University of Minnesota 
1939 to 1947. During the last two years of his resi- 
dence in Minneapolis, he served as member of the 
Mayor's Council on Human Relations. Hubert H. 
Humphrey, now U. S. Senator, was mayor at the time. 
It was during this Minneapolis residence, too, that his 
book, Minority Problems in the Public Schools, was 


published by Harper & Brothers, 1946, as fourth of a 
series sponsored by the Bureau for Intercultural Edu- 
cation, with the American Council on Education and 
the National Commission for the Defense of Democ- 
racy Through Education of the National Education 
Association as cooperating advisers. 

The Bureau was initiated through the vision of Wil- 
liam Heard Kilpatrick, chairman of the board, it is 
revealed by an editorial note in the Brameld book. 

It is common to "classify" Dr. Kilpatrick by quot- 
ing from The Educational Frontier, of which he was 
editor and joint author, contributing two chapters. 
John Dewey and V. T. Thayer were two of the best 
known of the other six authors. The book was pub- 
lished by The Century Co. in 1933. 

Dr. Kilpatrick's Education and the Social Crisis, an 
expansion of his Kappa Delta Pi lecture of the same 
title, was published by Liveright Publishing Corpora- 
tion in 1932. In it the author wrote: 

To say that the profit motive is instinctive and 
must remain our sole or even principal reliance 
for human action is ... to deny the most obvi- 
ous facts of human conduct and history. No the- 
oretical obstacle prevents effectual cooperative 
action. . . . Men can learn cooperation or they 
can learn cut-throat competition. It is the system 
now in vogue which teaches the latter, and men 
thus learn it. A cooperative system could as well 
teach cooperation. . . . We face then not a theo- 
retical problem of whether it can be done but a 
practical problem of how to do it. The profit 
motive is no instinct, it is not fixed in human 

In neither of these books does Dr. Kilpatrick sound 
the call for indoctrination of pupils with the collectivist 


ideology. He is "all out for" the planned economy, 
but shies away from open advocacy by the schoolmas- 
ter. Rather, he urges presentation of the competing 
ideologies in such a manner that the student will be 
helped to think his way through to the correct solution 
of the problem. 

The respective spheres of activity of Dr. Kilpatrick 
and Dr. Brameld intersected when the latter's book on 
minority problems was published by a bureau founded 
by the former while he was a member of the board. 
They were to meet again. 

This Happened in Pasadena, by David Hulburd, the 
Macmillan Co., 1951, reveals that about a year after 
Willard Goslin became superintendent of schools at 
Pasadena, California, he brought Dr. Kilpatrick to 
that city for five days of lectures before a summer 
workshop conducted for teachers of the Pasadena 
school system. 

Mr. Hulburd's book was written ostensibly to ex- 
plain why one of the nation's most highly touted school 
administrators, Superintendent Goslin, was asked by 
the Pasadena school board to tender his resignation 
before he had held the office for two years. Of course, 
according to Mr. Hulburd, it all happened because of 
the nasty machinations of enemies of education such 
as the National Council for American Education. 

But like so many of the present-day writers of ex- 
pose books, Mr. Hulburd failed to reveal many things 
which, according to some observers and critics, were 
of no little importance in determining events and their 

One of the things which Mr. Hulburd neglected to 
reveal to his readers is that Dr. Brameld also was 
brought to Pasadena upon the initiative of Superin- 
tendent Goslin. Dr. Brameld's mission in Pasadena 


was to be a key figure in a human relations workshop 
project, which was supposed to break down interracial 
and other tensions presumed to be harmful to educa- 
tional progress in Pasadena. 

Dr. Brameld is reputed to be a "top drawer" expert 
in these matters ; had he not written a book on the sub- 
ject, which included surveys of inter-racial situations 
in a number of "anonymous" cities, with recommenda- 
tions about what to do in the specific situations? And 
had he not served on the Mayor's Council on Human 
Relations in Minneapolis at the very time when Wil- 
lard Goslin was superintendent of schools of that city? 

The "wheels within wheels" have revolved, perhaps 
not just once but many times. And we are right back 
where we started — this is where we came in! 

At the time Willard Goslin resigned as superintend- 
ent at Minneapolis to accept the Pasadena position, 
and during the period when he was arranging to bring 
Dr. Kilpatrick and Dr. Brameld to the California city, 
he was president of the American Association of 
School Administrators, which is the Department of 
Superintendence of National Education Association, to 
which, in 1934, Willard Givens made the report on 
"Education for the New America," sounding the toc- 
sin for forthright advocacy of Socialism by the school 
teachers of America. 

And, having given the readers of this book a glimpse 
of how the "wheels within wheels" revolve, and a quick 
characterization of typical prime movers in the revo- 
lution in educational practices, we can proceed with 
examination of words and deeds of men and women 
who formulate the policies of National Education As- 
sociation, thereby making their impress upon the lives 
of millions of young people of our nation. 

Communist-Socialist Propaganda 
in American Schools 


So-called and self-styled progressive educators oc- 
cupying policy-forming positions within National Edu- 
cation Association, and its divisions and departments, 
have not hesitated to use the exact language of the 
Communist-Socialist movement in describing their 
social-economic aims, and in urging teachers to indoc- 
trinate youth of the land for acceptance of socialistic 
ideology and programs. The aims of these false lead- 
ers, of course, are identical with the immediate program 
of Communism-Socialism. 

The declaration, u Without social and economic de- 
mocracy, political democracy is a hollow sham," is 
typical Socialist party lingo. Perhaps more often it is 
stated from the positive view, that social and economic 
democracy are necessary to make political democracy 
really effective. 

As quoted in the preceding paragraph, the declara- 
tion appears on Page 73, first page of the chapter 
"Obstacles to Democracy and Freedom," which is 
Chapter VII of The Improvement of Education, Fif- 
teenth Yearbook (1937) of the Department of Super- 



intendence, which is the American Association of 
School Administrators. 

Only two major organizations in America, Ameri- 
can Civil Liberties Union and American League 
Against War and Fascism, "are devoted to specifically 
warring upon Fascism," it is declared on Page 90. 

American Civil Liberties Union is a fringe group 
"sparked" by Roger Baldwin. It has been called a 
Communist front by many government agencies, though 
it has escaped such designation by the House Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities. 

Not so the American League Against War and Fas- 
cism ; this League has been recognized from the outset 
and by all agencies as Communist-inspired and Com- 
munist-operated, strictly for Communist Party pur- 
poses. Earl Browder served as vice-chairman until, 
when its reputation got so "smelly" that it no longer 
was proving effective, the League changed its name to 
American League for Peace and Democracy. 

Incidentally, Earl Browder, for so many years sec- 
retary of the Communist Party, a position he held at 
the time this book was written and published, is referred 
to in the book, Page 83, as an "able and restrained 
radical." (Browder had been Party secretary since 
1930, and its Presidential candidate in 1936.) 

In this chapter under discussion, seven statements 
are quoted from the writings of Stuart Chase, or docu- 
mented from his writings, this bibliography including 
his The Economy of Abundance, in which Chase re- 
veals himself as a Socialist. 

Other statements in the chapter are quoted or docu- 
mented from writings of the pro-Communists George 
Seldes and Arthur Kallett, and the well known Social- 
ists, Norman Thomas and Carl D. Thompson. 

Bewailing the fact that the Socialist Party shows 


little strength in American elections, and that the Com- 
munists appear even weaker as vote-getters, the au- 
thors find there is no "immediate hope for radicalism 
in the labor movement." 

The authors explain that the farmers are unpredict- 
able, following moderate radicals in times of depres- 
sion, but voting for conservative candidates when 
times are prosperous. And as a final blow to immedi- 
ate hope for radical developments, the authors mourn : 

The great white-collar class of clerks and pro- 
fessional men and women is highly conservative 
in its outlook and tends to identify itself psycho- 
logically with its masters and with the economic 
interests of the latter. 

America has no class system, and when the intelli- 
gentsia of the teaching profession speak of a "white- 
collar class," they are aping the European Socialist 
terminology. This is true also when employers are 
referred to as "masters." One might suppose that the 
classroom teachers of the nation, who surely are "pro- 
fessional men and women," would object to being 
classed as subservients of the "masters," but no pro- 
tests or objections are of record. 

Further cause for discouragement is found by the 
authors in the passing of liberalism in England, "killed 
by the World War." They express the fear that "even 
moderate socialism seems likely to go the way of liber- 
alism," but the note of somber despair takes on a mili- 
tant spirit as the authors see the Soviets pointing the 
way to better things: 

almost everywhere it has broken down before the 

It (moderate socialism) had an unparalleled 

opportunity at the close of the World War, but 


onslaughts of Fascism. It may be that it is un- 
fair to blame Socialism for this debacle of Social- 
ist governments, but it cannot be denied that the 
prestige of Socialism has been vastly impaired by 
the collapse of the Socialist regimes in Italy, 
Germany, Austria and other countries. At the 
same time extreme socialism, namely revolution- 
ary communism, has gained enormous prestige as 
a result of the conspicuous success of Soviet Rus- 
sia in the face of almost unprecedented difficulties. 
(Page 85) 

In the chapter section on u Pressure Groups and 
Democracy," the authors, chosen spokesmen of the 
American Association of School Administrators, spew 
their venom at an even longer list of patriotic organ- 
izations than was presented by Prof. Howard K. Beale 
in the 1937 yearbook of the National Council for the 
Social Studies. (See Chapter u Progressive Education 
'Exposes' Propaganda" of this book.) 

Like Professor Beale, the school administrators ex- 
press extreme repugnance for u compulsory flag exer- 
cises and instruction in the legends and pageantry of 
the flag," military training in schools, compulsory 
teaching of history, and examination of textbooks. The 
declaration is made (Pages 76 and 77) that militaris- 
tic organizations seek "to intimidate or oust pacifistic 
or realistic teachers." 

The spokesmen for the administrators are to be com- 
plimented upon their frankness of two points, ( 1 ) 
their frank admission of the close relationship between 
Communism and Socialism, and (2) the implied ad- 
mission that there has been no move to oust teachers 
merely "on suspicion," but rather only those who ad- 
mittedly are "pacifistic or realistic." 

Frankness again breaks out all over our authors 


when they pen Chapter VIII, ''Processes of Social 
Change. " This present writer has been studying radi- 
cal literature for more than forty years, but does not 
recall a more exaggerated or more bitterly phrased 
statement of the "failure" of our American way of life. 
Communists, Socialists, Technocrats and other 
"planners" have told us that we could shorten the work 
week and at the same time increase our standard of 
living. For nearly two decades we have been hearing 
repetition of the outrageous slander to the effect that 
one-third of our population is ill-fed, ill-clothed and 
ill-housed. But these planners and critics are veritable 
Mister Milquetoasts as compared to the official spokes- 
man for the AASA. Read from the opening para- 
graphs of Chapter VIII : 

It is no exaggeration to say that in the United 
States of America today, with our marvelous 
technological equipment and our still abundant 
natural resources, we could produce, in not more 
than thirty hours of work per week for every 
able-bodied male and employed female in the 
country, all the goods, food, shelter, and services 
that the American population could use on a high 
standard of living. Thirty hours of work is prob- 
ably too high a figure. We might well meet our 
needs in twenty hours of work. . . . 

We could produce all the food needed on about 
one-fifth of the land and with about one-fifth of 
the farmers now involved in agricultural pursuits, 
provided we introduced the latest and best-known 
methods. . . . Yet over half of the American 
people, even in so-called prosperous times, go 
about inadequately clothed. Millions of them live 
in hovels and detestable slums. Even in 1929 
three-fourths of the American families could not 
purchase for themselves a minimum health diet, 


while nine-tenths of them were not able to obtain 
a liberal diet. 

Of course our authors have a remedy, " 'social 
change' in our day to take up this lag — this slack — 
and to create a social system harmonious in efficiency 
and ideals with our technological evolution." And we 
had better get on with it, and fast, for: 

If we do not bring our social system up to the 
level of achievement which we have attained in 
our material life, then our material life will revert 
to the more primitive and archaic character of our 
social system. This will mean the death of ap- 
proximately half of our present population, for 
certainly a technology as outmoded and inefficient 
as our social system could sustain no more than 
half of the existing population. 

Cultural lag as well as social-economic "slack" stand 
in the way of progress, our authors say. They mix the 
two rather indiscriminately in their discussion: 

Our ideas of property came, for the most part, 
from the days of John Locke or before. Our 
constitutional system is based upon the adoption, 
a hundred and fifty years ago, of a mistaken con- 
ception of the British system of government made 
by the French philosopher, Montesquieu, two gen- 
erations earlier. Our basic legal concepts, so 
closely linked up with property, derive from the 
natural law philosophers of the sixteenth, seven- 
teenth, and eighteenth centuries. Our criminal 
jurisprudence is of even earlier origin. 

Our social ideals are in a large part a heritage 
from European feudalism — even, in part, from 
the ideals of primitive chieftains — adapted to the 


rewards and culture of an industrial age. Reli- 
gion is still based upon supernatural assumptions 
and other-worldly considerations. Morals are 
purely a derivative from this supernaturalism and 
partly a protective device for the economic wrong- 
doings of the leisure class. Education transmits, 
for the most part, the traditions of a preindustrial 
age and the notions of a scarcity economy. Above 
all, we proceed upon the assumption that our eco- 
nomic life should be conducted for the profit of 
the few rather than for the service of the many. 

The usual Communist-Socialist "fear technique" is 
applied in furtherance of the effort to get something 
like unanimous consent to a program of "gradualism." 
Our authors mince no words: 

There are two possible methods of social 
change. One is orderly and gradual change, dom- 
inated by information and directed intelligence. 
The other is that violent change which we call 
revolution, based upon exasperation and despera- 
tion, motivated by hatred of oppression, and all 
too often guided by deep emotions rather than 
by informed intelligence. . . . 

The present capitalistic and nationalistic social 
system has been supplanted in but one place — Rus- 
sia — and that change was effected by revolution. 
Hence the verdict of history would seem to indi- 
cate that we are likely to have to depend upon 
revolution for social change of an important and 
far-reaching character. . . . 

That there was so little bloodshed in the Rus- 
sian Revolution was due to the fact that the 
World War had all but paralyzed the old regime, 
and the nobility and middle class which had to be 
overcome or liquidated were not relatively numer- 


It is difficult to see how the authors could have made 
it plainer that the Utopia of the Communist-Socialist 
movement is their social-economic objective, and that 
they are not averse to revolutionary methods if they 
prove necessary or advisable for accomplishment of 
the aim. 

This position was not new in 1937. It had been 
"announced" at NEA's annual meeting in 1934, as is 
noted in the Introduction of this little book. It was 
full-fledged in the Yearbook of the Department of 
Superintendence the following year. This Yearbook 
was published under the title Social Change and Edu- 
cation. In a chapter titled "A Preface to a New Amer- 
ican Philosophy of Education," John L. Childs of 
Teachers College, Columbia University, and then a 
member of the Commission on Education for New 
Social and Economic Relationships, voiced these same 
sentiments on Pages 137-138 in the following. 

Confronted with a rapidly changing economy, 
American educators cannot serve the youth of our 
country by continuing to make them intellectually 
and emotionally loyal to many of the doctrines 
contained in our traditional social philosophy. . . . 

Enough data are now available ... to show 
the general direction in which we must go. Indus- 
trialism points to national social planning. Our 
national ideal of social democracy requires that 
this planning be under collective control. Collec- 
tive control cannot be made a reality in a regime 
of private ownership of the basic industries. Un- 
doubtedly we can learn much from the experience 
of other countries, particularly Russia, but we 
. . . need not prematurely assume that collective 
planning and dictatorial bureaucratic regimenta- 
tion of social life are necessarily correlatives. 


It would of course be more scholarly and more real- 
istic if the superintendents of instruction would accept 
the fact that it is no premature assumption that any 
planned economy must be based upon bureaucratic 
control. If society (government) is to plan for peo- 
ple, attempting to guarantee that individually and col- 
lectively they will enjoy the "good life," then govern- 
ment must plan the lives of its citizens in minutest 

Of course our so-called progressive educators scorn 
the lessons of history, but this is most unwise; the 
future can be predicted only on the basis of what has 
happened in the past, and history has shown that gov- 
ernment control over the lives and actions of its citizens 
progresses almost exactly in proportion to the "ad- 
vance" toward "total planning." 

Finally, returning to the philosophic approach, when 
a government has assumed ownership and control of 
the "means of life," which are the processes of pro- 
duction and distribution of goods and services, it has 
become totalitarian — nothing in the realm of material 
things remains for it to seize — and by definition and 
in practice, a totalitarian government is based upon 
the ultimate in bureaucracy. 

For example, if government is to arrange for pro- 
duction of all necessary agricultural products with one- 
fifth of the land and one-fifth of the labor now devoted 
to this field of endeavor, which is declared possible by 
our authors, as noted earlier in this chapter, certainly 
the planners must have in mind the abolition of the 
one-family farm and introduction of collective farm- 
ing on a stupendous scale, with agricultural labor com- 
pletely "militarized" and moving from place to place 
and job to job at command of an agricultural "author- 
ity" with limitless powers. 


In this same Yearbook of 1935, Prof. Jesse H. New- 
Ion, director of Lincoln School, Teachers College, 
Columbia University, since 1927, voiced typical Colum- 
bia viewpoint of acceptance of the Marxian class strug- 
gle theory. The following quotation is from Pages 
159-160 of the chapter, "The Teaching Profession 
and Social Policy:" 

In considering the problem of how teachers 
may actively participate in shaping social policy 
in community, state, and nation, we are confronted 
by two basic facts. Notwithstanding that teach- 
ers have long looked forward to a classless soci- 
ety, our society is still divided into classes that are 
becoming more sharply differentiated. . . . 

Further developing its views on the education of 
youth "for democracy," the Department of Superin- 
tendence devoted its Sixteenth Yearbook, 1938, to sub- 
jects indicated by the title, Youth Education Today, 
prepared by the department's Commission on Youth 

The authors show concern for family and other in- 
fluences touching the lives of youth, these naturally 
including various types of youth organizations, such 
as Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts; church, municipal and 
fraternity-sponsored groups; agricultural groups such 
as 4-H Clubs, Future Farmers and Junior Grange; or- 
ganizations sponsored by the Federal Government, and 
finally, purely commercial projects such as movies, road 
houses and pool halls. 

Results of several "surveys" are included. One of 
these indicates the authors' distrust of adult-sponsored 
and directed groups such as are included in the classifi- 
cations named in the preceding paragraph. State di- 
rectors of the National Youth Administration were 


asked to report the extent of self-motivated youth 

Twenty-five directors reported that they knew of 
no such organizations, and a number cited such organ- 
izations as Four-H Clubs and other groups which actu- 
ally are adult-directed. And finally: 

Only thirteen (directors) cited examples of 
what might really be termed self-motivation, such 
as local youth forums, orchestras and community 
groups. The American Youth Congress was men- 
tioned by eight of the thirteen directors as being 
an active youth organization representing youth 

These reports were passed over without further 
comment; presumably they were accepted as factual 
and realistic. Whether this be considered the result 
of ignorance, indifference, or acceptance of the aims 
and purposes of the American Youth Congress, the re- 
sult is the same: the reader is led to the assumption 
that the Congress actually was a youth-motivated or- 
ganization with worthwhile aims. 

The truth, as explained in the chapter u Building 
America'' of this present book, is that Ajmerican Youth 
Congress, as it operated from 1934 to 1941, was de- 
scribed by the House Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities as u one of the most influential front organiza- 
tions ever set up by the Communists in this country." 
The Congress, of course, was youth-motivated only to 
the extent that it was managed and directed by the 
Young Communists, who, in turn, were directly under 
the strict control of the Communist Party. 

To this point it has been shown that official spokes- 
men for National Education Association follow the 
Communist-Socialist "line" in many ways, including 


use of the exact terminology of the Marxists; praise 
of Socialism and of Socialist policies and organiza- 
tions; ridiculing patriotic organizations; deprecating 
achievements of the American way of life on the one 
hand and making absurdly exaggerated statements of 
what could be accomplished under a Communist or 
Socialist regime; making claims that the coming of 
collectivism in some form is inevitable, and using the 
"fear technique" to persuade people to accept "grad- 
ualism" and "peaceful" change as the only way to 
avoid violent and bloody revolution. 

Only a few of the Communist-Socialist techniques 
involved in the process of following the "line" are 
mentioned in the preceding paragraph. More of the 
methods used in "following the line" will be pointed 
out, and documented, in the following chapter, "Using 
Communist-Socialist Techniques." 




No technique of the propagandists for Communism- 
Socialism is more satisfying to its users, or more effec- 
tive in preparing the minds of both adults and young 
people for acceptance of the Marxian ideology, than 
the "debunking" of American history, which includes 
gross misrepresentation of the character and aims of 
the Founders and of the historical documents which 
they wrote. 

Following through with disclosure of National Edu- 
cation Association "exploits" in this "debunking" and 
other use of Communist-Socialist techniques, is no more 
than continuation of documentation of NEA practices 
in following the Communist "line," discussed in the 
previous chapter. 

Other Communist-Socialist techniques used by NEA 
spokesmen include praise of Soviet "accomplishments" 
and apologies for Soviet brutality; teaching the Marx- 
ian doctrine of class struggle, in part by sly insinuations 
that American society is made up of classes; teaching 
that "change" — always, of course, in the direction of 
collectivism — is not only inevitable but desirable, and 
using crude Communist tricks to make it appear that 
Communism-Socialism is the only antidote for Fascism, 
with Communists and Socialists presented as the only 
true anti-Fascists. 

For some examples of the use of Communist- 
Socialist techniques mentioned above, centering around 


perversions of history, we turn to The Study and 
Teaching of American History, the Seventeenth Year- 
book of The National Council for the Social Studies, 

Teachers are solemnly advised, Page 71, that one 
of the principal tasks assigned to instructors in history 
is to make certain that students see the "intimate rela- 
tion between the saga of the past and the pressing prob- 
lems of the present." Developing this point, the Year- 
book continues: 

Let us relate the present complexities in build- 
ing a workable peace to historical investigations 
of world courts and leagues of nations. Let us 
in our teaching draw parallels — for instance 
pointing out that Russia's suspicion of the world 
parallels the attitude of the young and insecure 
American nation of the nineteenth century. Let 
us teach the Monroe doctrine and our relation- 
ship with South America in such a way that each 
recurring Argentinian crisis would not appear 
novel and soluble only on the basis of expediency. 
In short, let us relate Green to Gompers, FDR to 
Progressivism, Southern reactionary senators to 
reconstruction, and inflation today to inflation 
after other wars. 

While comments of this kind may belong more prop- 
erly in other connections, it is impossible to avoid 
pointing to the above characterization of the world 
attitude of the Russian Soviets in 1946 as paralleling 
that of the United States during the period 1801 to 
1900. Merely to point it out is sufficient — no comment 
is necessary. 

History teachers must be careful to allow students 
no more than cautious samplings of the myths, legends 


and folklore which abound in American history as it 
was taught before the "revisionists" showed us our 
foibles and follies and obligingly rewrote our national 

The "revisionists" eliminated not only the tale of 
the boy George Washington and the cherry tree, but 
also the wierd yarns about "Plymouth Rock, the hid- 
ing of the Connecticut Charter in the Charter Oak, the 
legend of the Connecticut blue laws, Washington tak- 
ing command of the Continental troops under the 
Cambridge Elm, Jefferson riding on horseback to his 
inauguration, the legend of Daniel Boone, the legen- 
dary saving of Oregon by Marcus Whitman, the alleged 
'appetites and passions' of Daniel Webster, the Lin- 
coln-Ann Rutledge legend (and) the legendary account 
of Lincoln's composition of the Gettysburg Address." 
(Temporarily, at least, they let us retain Paul Revere's 

Incidentally, several chapters of the Yearbook, in- 
cluding the one on the important subject, "Constitu- 
tional Development," convey little more to the reader 
than an outline, as the chapters appear to have been 
written primarily to serve as bibliographies of the 
"revisionist" writings. 

But to return to consideration of myths and legends 
and other allegedly false teaching of the past: the 
Yearbook declares that it is important that this situa- 
tion be rectified else "dangerous concepts of national 
self-righteousness" may be cultivated, or the "American 
dream" taken too seriously. 

If Americans think too highly of their country, the 
Yearbook warns, they may again place reliance upon 
"legends that have done irreparable damage in the 
past, and even today have afterglows that tend to con- 


tinue antagonistic attitudes toward other nations." 
Continuing, Page 91: 

Other traditions in American history are of a 
broader, a more fundamental sort. Of these some 
have become part of the American dream and 
have inspired American people and their leaders 
to high achievement and will continue to do so. 
Among these are the legend of equality of oppor- 
tunity, and the idea of a relatively classless soci- 
ety. Realistic American history can show actual 
gains toward realizations instead of developing 
complacent attitudes in future citizens by paint- 
ing ideals as if they were already accomplished. 
The belief in laissez faire as a traditional policy 
in American government rests upon a lack of 
knowledge and comprehension concerning the role 
of the national government in its relation to such 
problems as the tariff, education, road building, 
defense against the Indians, and the early assump- 
tion by local or state governments of provision for 
education, street lighting, fire protection, water 
supply and sanitation. The legend that the Con- 
stitution of the United States as made by its fram- 
ers established a perfect government that must 
be "protected" as it was framed presupposes that 
citizens are incapable of thinking reasonably, for 
otherwise how can they fail to discover that the 
very change inherent in history itself has been re- 
sponsible for considerable constitutional develop- 
ment since 1789? Yet this legend seems to merit 
the protective aegis of the Daughters of the 
American Revolution, for as recently as May, 
1946, its Continental Congress passed a resolu- 
tion urging its member chapters "to undertake a 
campaign of education that will result in better 
understanding of and appreciation for the kind of 


government that was established by the framers 
of the Constitution." 

The foregoing rather long paragraph has crowded 
into it not one but half-dozen examples of use of the 
Communist-Socialist technique, including assumption 
of the desirability of change, always to the left; indi- 
rect teaching of the class struggle; belittling of our 
Constitution, and excoriation of all defenders of that 
document and admirers of the type of government 
established by that document. 

In addition there is the assumption that all change 
made in our Constitution, by amendment through Con- 
stitutional means and by the courts, has been "develop- 
ment," or in the nature of progress, and use of the old 
technique of presenting socialization of business and 
industry as no more than extension of the governmental 
ventures in community services. 

For further examples of teaching the desirability 
and inevitability of change — to the left — we turn to 
The Social Studies Curriculum,, Fourteenth Yearbook 
of the Department of Superintendence, 1936. In the 
chapter "The Role of Education and the School," the 
Yearbook quotes, Page 28, with high approval, the 
Committee on the Social Studies, American Historical 
Association, as follows: 

Cumulative evidence supports the conclusion 
that, in the United States as in other countries, 
the age of individualism and laissez faire in econ- 
omy and government is closing and that an age of 
collectivism is emerging. 

Surely the foregoing makes it clear enough for all 
to understand that National Education Association 


leadership no longer has faith in the American way of 
life. Perhaps the following is not quite so plain, but 
there are clear implications in a statement of purpose 
of the social studies program, page 57: 

A second purpose of instruction in the social 
studies grows out of the first, namely, preparation 
of pupils for promoting a wiser and more effective 
cooperation among regions, areas, individuals, 
groups, communities, states, and nations — a co- 
operation interracial, interreligious and intereco- 

If any American parents are sending their sons and 
daughters to school under assumption that pupils are 
being taught history and current events in an objective 
manner, they should be warned from the foregoing 
that, if the teachers are following the recommenda- 
tions of the recognized and accepted leaders of the 
profession, the youngsters in the schools are being in- 
doctrinated and trained in preparation for promot- 
ing" whatever wild schemes may be hatched in the 
councils of the higher-ups. 

Further palaver about the inevitability and desir- 
ability of "change" appears on Page 115 of this same 
Fourteenth Yearbook of the Social Studies Council, as 
follows : 

There are some aspects of nature that man can- 
not control; hence he must make the necessary 
adaptation to them. There are conditions in man's 
relationships with others over which he has no 
control; so he must make the necessary adapta- 
tions. Economic, social and political conditions 
are constantly changing. Man's adaptation to 
this change must be a continuous process. In 


fact, the keynote of the entire social studies pro- 
gram might well be CHANGE. It is inevitable 
and it is desirable. An understanding of the proc- 
ess and an ability to adapt are essential to effective 
living in the contemporary world. 

Class struggle teaching is given a vicious slant in the 
closing phrases of discussion along these lines on Pages 
256-257 of Improving the Teaching of World His- 
tory, Twentieth Yearbook of the National Council for 
the Social Studies, 1949. This Yearbook was edited 
by Edith West, a director of the Council, and head of 
the Department of Social Studies, University of Min- 
nesota High School, Minneapolis. Quoting: 

The great political aspiration of the proletariat 
during the 19th century was to bring about uni- 
versal suffrage, majority rule, and democracy. At 
the opening of the 19th century the masses were 
excluded from suffrage in every modern state. By 
the close of the century they had gained this right 
in every progressive country of the western world. 

Though the working classes thus won the right 
to participate in politics, they have been disap- 
pointed with the results that have come from this 
victory. Despite the fact that the right to vote 
put the working classes, rural and urban, in a posi- 
tion of numerical preponderance, they were no- 
where able to control the government or policies 
of any leading modern state until some of the vio- 
lent overturns following the first World War. 

Lack of space in this chapter makes it necessary to 
overlook some of the numerous false assumptions pre- 
sented in the foregoing. Only two will be mentioned, 
these requiring a minimum of discussion. 

1. — The Yearbook sponsors accept the baseless as- 


sumption that since at no time in the 19th century did 
workers at the polls elect to office men pledged to in- 
augurate a Socialist state, in some manner or other 
their wills were thwarted. Of course the truth is that, 
in America in particular — certainly one of the modern 
states — the majority of the workers never had heard 
of Socialism or had but the vaguest ideas about it, and 
would have rejected it if they had known all about it. 

2. — The Yearbook sponsors accept the equally base- 
less assumption that after violent overturns following 
World War I, the workers did come into control. The 
most notable of the violent overturns, and the only 
ones which readily come to mind, are the seizure of 
power by the Nazis in Germany and the Bolshevik 
revolution in Russia. It is indeed difficult to conceive 
how any American can believe that workers ever con- 
trolled either Nazi Germany or the Russian Soviets; 
both were dictatorships of most extreme type. 

In this same Twentieth Yearbook, Page 255, we find 
a typical example of the scorn of National Education 
Association leaders for national constitutions and con- 
stitutional government in all countries. In the view of 
these leaders, a constitution is nothing more nor less 
than a device of the ruling class to fasten its con- 
trol even more firmly upon the government and the 
working class, though admittedly the middle class 
might reap some minor benefits. Quoting: 

One of the most important institutional results 
of the Industrial Revolution upon Western society 
has been its political effects, manifested in the 
development of constitutionalism, nationalism, de- 
mocracy, and imperialism. Most of these politi- 
cal developments of the 19th and early 20th cen- 
turies reflected the economic, social, and political 
ambitions of the capitalists. These were, chiefly, 


the legal protection of property, enforcement of 
contract, laissez faire with respect to economic 
life and activities, and extensive freedom of per- 
sonal and business initiative. 

The practical results of these bourgeoisie politi- 
cal ideas were manifested directly in the develop- 
ment of constitutional government. The great 
value of a constitution to the middle-class busi- 
nessman is that it gives unusual permanence to 
the political system and renders the citizen and 
his business relatively free from arbitrary or pre- 
cipitate interference on the part of the govern- 
ment. Constitutions usually embodied the civil 
liberties demanded by the middle class: freedom 
of speech, press, religion and assembly, trial by 
jury, and the like. 

Naturally Social Education, official publication of 
the Social Studies Council, follows along on the "line" 
and uses the Communist-Socialist techniques proposed 
and advocated by Council leaders. From an article, 
"Liberal Living and the Spirit of '76," by Richard 
Bardolph, assistant professor of history of the Wom- 
an's College, University of North Carolina, in issue of 
April, 1951, we quote: 

The original statement of the American dream 
of a decent, democratic society was first drafted, 
by scholarly men, in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence and the first state constitutions of the newly 
independent commonwealths. Thereupon, quickly 
recovering itself, an alarmed bourgeoisie, fright- 
ened at the prospect of populistic and democratic 
excesses, and with the alarums of Captain Shays 
ringing in their ears, promptly — almost furtively 
— drafted a conservative constitution omitting all 
reference to personal freedom and erecting elab- 


orate defenses for property. From that time 
forward, the stresses engendered by the conflict 
of property rights and human rights has brought 
us by fits and starts closer to the espousal of the 
latter at the expense of the former if the differ- 
ence could not be composed without injury to 

Quite aside from the fact that true history tells us 
that the states adopted the Constitution only after 
agreement had been reached that the Bill of Rights 
was to be adopted at early date, this writer adopts as 
his own the old Communist prattle about u property 
rights." The truth is, of course, that there is no such 
thing as "property rights" — property has no rights! 
But one of the most important of personal rights is the 
right to own property; this right is so ancient and so 
w r ell established that it is mentioned in two of the Ten 
Commandments — u Thou shalt not steal . . ." and 
"Thou shalt not covet . . ." 

One example of use of the purely Communist (not 
Socialist) technique of apologizing for, even lauding 
the Russian Soviets, was given earlier in this chapter 
in connection with development of another of the tech- 
niques. Two more examples, plus another Combina- 
tion" which includes this technique, will be given from 
the vast array which is available. 

Turning back to the Fourteenth Yearbook of the 
Department of Superintendence, we read, Page 98, in 
connection with description of the type of world fed- 
eration advocated by Union Now: 

No one is competent to say, either, just when 
the practice of democracy has reached the high 
degree of perfection which would entitle a peo- 
ple to belong to the Union. That line would be 


very hard to draw in Latin America, and it would 
take a Solomon to apply it to Russia. Many 
Americans are certain that the Russians live un- 
der a cruel and bloody autocracy, while the Rus- 
sians themselves claim that they have the best 
form of democracy. Obviously, just what democ- 
racy is becomes a delicate thing to define. It is 
not democracy to us unless the personal freedoms 
and rights of the individual flourish. It is democ- 
racy to the Russians if the great mass of the peo- 
ple have some part in the swift up-building of 
their great domain and in the management of its 

What is of cardinal importance is the fact that 
Russia is rapidly evolving. We do not know ex- 
actly into what, but no understanding of Russia, 
or of the problem of world peace, is possible if 
we start on the assumption that Russia is still the 
1917 land of bloody communist revolution. We 
are not justified either in assuming that our own 
democracy reached a fixed and eternal pattern in 

Surely we may feel grateful to the author and spon- 
sors of the above quotation that, departing from the 
usual techniques, the author admits that democracy is 
not easy to define, and that it has different meanings in 
different situations. Aside from this admission, the 
author accomplishes nothing of which he should be 

When he, the author, declares that u Russia is rap- 
idly evolving" away from bloody dictatorship, he is 
making a statement which is not true today and was 
not true when the Yearbook was published (1936). 
He was engaging in wishful thinking. 

It is true that under the Marxian theory, the dicta- 
torship should have begun u melting away" long ago, 


but it has not happened. Nor in other regards have 
the Soviets "evolved" according to the Marxian pre- 
dictions. Early it was found that the Marxian slogan- 
premise, "from each according to his abilities, and to 
each according to his needs" was unworkable. Systems 
of incentives had to be "borrowed" from the hated 
capitalist system before the wheels of industry and 
business would begin to to turn, and introduction of 
these incentives has resulted in disparities in scales of 
living which are far greater than exist in America 

Too, the best information that we can get from be- 
hind the Iron Curtain — and labor organizations just 
now are collecting tremendous masses of evidence — 
goes to show that the "labor camps," to give them a 
polite name, are more numerous and more densely pop- 
ulated than ever before, and that no Soviet citizen, 
from dictator down to lowliest peasant, can retire to 
rest in his bed at home with any feeling of assurance 
that the morning will find him in the same place, alive 
and momentarily safe from assassination or "extradi- 

"Education for International Affairs" is the title of 
an article by Vera Micheles Dean which appears in the 
April, 1949 issue of Social Education, with the follow- 
ing explanation : "This article . . . originally appeared 
in the Bryn Mawr Alumnae Bulletin (February, 
1948). Permission to reprint was generously granted 
by the editor of the Bulletin and the author, who is 
well known to social studies teachers as the research 
director of the Foreign Policy Association, in which 
position she has been of great service to the schools." 

The type of "service" which this well known apolo- 
gist for the Soviets has offered to the schools, and the 
public generally, or so much of the public as would lis- 


ten to her, is shown in the following quotation from 
the above-mentioned article: 

We must teach history horizontally, not ver- 
tically. By this I mean that, instead of running 
through the history of England, or the United 
States, or Russia, from earliest times to the pres- 
ent day, we should teach it period by period, com- 
paring the development of major countries at a 
given time in history. History taught in this form 
would save us from such misconceptions as the 
widespread assumption that conditions in Russia, 
whose development is about fifty years behind 
that of the Western World, are comparable either 
favorably or unfavorably to those in Britain and 
the United States. 

If we were to accept Mrs. Dean's assumption that 
Russia is a half-century behind the United States and 
Britain in industrial development, would we then have 
to assume that this fact accounts for, or excuses, the 
attitude of Russia to the other nations of the world, or 
the brutalities of the dictatorship that exists within the 
realm of the Soviets? Though the answer will not be 
pleasing to Mrs. Dean and her ilk, surely it must be 

And can we be certain that Mrs. Dean is correct in 
her assumption that Russia actually lags behind some 
fifty years in industrial development? Again the an- 
swer must be "No." 

Official spokesmen for the Soviets make no such 
claims as that advanced by Mrs. Dean. Rather, they 
declare that the nation and its citizens are better off 
than other nations; for one thing, they claim that the 
Soviets have a tremendous advantage over every other 
nation in the world in that they are completely self- 


sufficient, having within the borders of the Soviets and 
the satelite countries all the raw materials necessary for 
the manufacture of everything the nation needs. 

This claim has been made many times by Soviet 
apologists who are less coy and more free-spoken than 
Mrs. Dean. It appears, for example, in a booklet 
titled u Soviet Aggression: Myth or Reality," written 
and published by Corliss Lamont. The booklet bears 
no date, but was written only recently, as shown by the 
dates mentioned in the following quotation : 

Repeated and reliable reports from Soviet 
Russia during the period of the Fourth Five-Year 
Plan, 1946-50, indicate that the Soviet people are 
in fact preoccupied with tremendous projects of 
peaceful economic construction and that their 
minds are not dwelling upon dreams of military 
conquest. The Five-Year Plan recently com- 
pleted attained most of its main social and eco- 
nomic goals. Instead of a serious inflation due to 
disproportionate war preparations, as in the 
United States, the Soviet Union has put through 
four general price reductions of a sweeping na- 
ture since the close of the war. The last of these 
occurred in March, 1951, and lowered prices on 
a multitude of consumer goods from ten to thirty 

With no more than passing expression of the hope 
that all readers of Mr. Lamont's pamphlet will follow 
his example rather than his alluring description of 
conditions in the Soviets, and will refrain from seeking 
residence in the Soviets, we pass on to the "combina- 
tion" examples previously mentioned. It is to be found 
on Pages 40—41 of Americans All: Studies in Intercul- 
tural Education. 


This book was published, 1942, by the Department 
of Supervisors and Directors of Instruction of Na- 
tional Education Association and jointly sponsored by 
that department and the National Council of Teach- 
ers of English and The Society for Curriculum Study. 

Only as we fully understand the manifestations 
of fascism can we guard against its encroachment 
in the United States. As we study its use of preju- 
dices we can appreciate the importance of elim- 
inating these evils from our own nation. 

Much of the above discussion applies also to 
Communism. In this case, however, the Russian 
minority groups in America do not constitute any 
appreciable reservoir of sympathy for that way 
of life. It is desirable that our young people be 
fully informed concerning the way of life in the 
Soviet Union. Critical study will enable them to 
understand the full implications of Marxism as 
it has unfolded in Russia and as it would prob- 
ably develop here if our domestic Communists had 
their way. In respect to the undeniable achieve- 
ments of the Soviet Union, we have the task of 
deciding which of their social innovations can be 
modified to enrich a truly democratic way of life 
and which are utterly antagonistic to a life of 
freedom. Any such study would develop a greater 
appreciation of the tremendous potentialities of 
democracy in our country. 

The foregoing quotation is from the chapter "Form- 
ing Attitudes," by William W. Wattenberg of Chicago 
Teachers College, Chicago, Illinois. 

The amount of propaganda which has been crowded 
into these two paragraphs is nothing short of astound- 
ing. Note how slyly the author injects the idea that 


fascism is a great danger to America, but that there is 
little sympathy for Communism in our country, hence 
little to be feared. 

Then comes the flat statement — "undeniable" — -that 
the Soviets are a land of tremendous achievements. 
Were the author referring to industrial development, 
few would disagree: certainly industrial production 
has risen by leaps and bounds in the Soviets under the 
dictatorship. But it is fully apparent that what the 
author refers to are the "social innovations" of the 
Soviet regime. 

If we will but study carefully the benefits and bless- 
ings of these social innovations inaugurated by the 
Soviets, and choose wisely from among them for graft- 
ing upon the social-economic system of our country, 
perhaps modifying them somewhat prior to the graft- 
ing, our democratic way of life can be greatly enriched, 
this teacher of teachers tells all the teachers who can 
be inveigled into reading his treacherous propaganda. 

And what social innovations should we examine and 
study in hope that they will be found adaptable for 
use in America ? Would they be freedoms of the citi- 
zens? Surely not — they have not been innovations in 
America since they were incorporated in the Bill of 
Rights which make up the first ten amendments to the 
Constitution. Would they be wide-spread educational 
facilities, or public health measures, or humane care 
for the aged, infirm, dependent and unfortunate, or 
rehabilitation of the wayward? 

No, it would be none of these : the Soviets have noth- 
ing along these lines to match what we have in Amer- 
ica. On the matter of the last-named point above, no 
nation in the world has inaugurated such elaborate, and 
expensive, methods for reforming men and women who 
have broken the laws of the country. In the Soviets, 


on the other hand, a citizen need be only suspected of 
rebellion against authority, and off he goes to a linger- 
ing death in a "work camp." 

The one social innovation which is viewed longingly 
by the misty-eyed intelligentsia of many professions, 
including educators, is abolition of private property in 
favor of "collectivism"; the publications of National 
Education Association and its divisons, departments 
and commission are replete with evidence of this treach- 
ery against our American Republic. 

In furtherance of their desire to promote the ideol- 
ogy of collectivism, false leaders are willing to stoop 
to the lowest and slimiest of Communist-Socialist tricks. 

One of these tricks, frequently used because it "takes 
in" gullible people as well as many on the fringe of the 
intelligentsia who claim to be exceptionally wise, is 
to declare that all anti-Communists must be, per se f 
pro-fascist. Or, stating this outlandish claim in an- 
other way, only Communism is truly anti-fascist. 

For further example of presentation of the idea that 
it is fascism rather than Communism which we have 
to fear here in America, we turn back to the Four- 
teenth Yearbook of the Social Studies Council. Prof. 
Linden A. Mander, Australian-born-and-educated 
member of the faculty of the University of Washing- 
ton, holding a chair of political science, wrote Chapter 
2, titled "Interdependence of Nations and Individuals." 
On pages 38-39 we read: 

Proponents of economic nationalism . . . urge 
that it is better to maintain stable prices at home 
rather than to submit to the uncertainties of for- 
eign exchange. They point to the many instances 
which seem to show that competition for foreign 
trade has led to colonial rivalries, struggles for 


markets, and even to war itself. They also as- 
sert that the self-regulating and automatic char- 
acter of the nineteenth-century capitalist system 
has largely broken down, that the law of supply 
and demand no longer freely operates, and that 
competition no longer directly affects the level of 
prices. Therefore, they advocate a planned na- 
tional economy which should be self-sufficient and 
independent of the capriciousness and uncertain- 
ties of world trade. 

Here Professor Mander charges that opponents of 
world government and supporters of protective tariff 
measures — presumably the same persons — come nat- 
urally to advocacy of a "planned national economy." 
He cannot, of course, mean a socialist planned econ- 
omy; he must mean a fascist type of economy. 

Perhaps his meaning 1 may not be clear to the uniniti- 
ated, and perhaps he "planned it that way." But to 
make certain that those who really want to know what 
he means can find out without too much trouble, he 
provides a footnote which advises that "fuller treat- 
ment" can be found in his book, Foundations of Mod- 
ern World Society, Stanford University Press, 1941, 
Pages 181-84 and 188-92. On these pages we find 
descriptions of the programs used by the fascist re- 
gimes of Germany and Italy in effort to attain self- 
sufficiency, and on Page 183: 

When the economic crash came, and debtor 
countries one by one defaulted, people began to 
speak of the hazardous nature of foreign trade 
. . . and to ask whether it would not be better 
to adopt a planned economy within the nation it- 
self. . . . Planned economy thus became the ally 
of economic nationalism. By nationalizing eco- 


nomic life within the nation and adopting the 
open door at home, a country could escape from 
dependence upon an unstable and unpredictable 
international world. 

The reader will note the neat switch from "economic 
nationalism, " previously presented as the desire to be 
economically independent of other countries, to "na- 
tionalizing economic life," which, of course is the col- 
lectivist program along fascist lines. 

Professor Mander's footnote also sends the really 
inquiring reader to Pages 327—33 of World Economy 
in Transition, by Eugene Staley, associate professor of 
international economic relations, Fletcher School of 
Law and Diplomacy, and published by the Council on 
Foreign Relations, 1939. The professor wrote the 
book under the auspices of the American Coordinating 
Committee for International Studies, as a report to be 
submitted to the Twelfth Session of the International 
Studies Conference at Bergen, Norway, Aug.-Sept., 
1939. On Page 329 we read: 

The world economy of the immediate future 
will have to be a "mixed" system in two senses. 
In most countries the principle of free enterprise 
and the principle of conscious control over eco- 
nomic life (by government or by large organiza- 
tions) will have to function side by side. . . . 
The key to the problem of making laissez faire 
and planning work side by side with a minimum 
of friction and a maximum of benefit for eco- 
nomic welfare is this : make laissez faire competi- 
tive rather than monopolistic and make planning 
positive rather than restrictive. 

So, it is quite clear from his writings and his refer- 


ences, Professor Mander is certain that we must have 
a planned economy. No choice is open except fascism, 
Communism-Socialism, or a mixed economy, which, 
certainly, will grow more collectivist as time passes and 
"society develops." 

And it must not be forgotten that these false proph- 
ets warn that our capitalist system, with the assistance 
of greedy capitalists, most easily develops into a fascist 
system, and therefore it is these greedy capitalists that 
we must watch, and whose activities we must curb; the 
Communists are harmless folk, at least relatively, and 
the collectivist system which they advocate has fully as 
many good points as it has possibilities for destroying 
the scant freedoms which Americans enjoy under the 
Constitution and Bill of Rights. 



Supplementing its program of indoctrination of 
youth with the ideologies of collectivism, leaders of 
the National Education Association are reaching out 
with programs designed to influence the general public. 

In the main, this outside-the-school propaganda is 
"mild" ; much of it is well concealed in a mass, or maze, 
of harmless verbiage. Some of this "dilutant" might 
pass as "good" if it stood alone. 

It is an old trick of Communist-Socialist propagan- 
dists to offer great quantities of materials which will 
prove acceptable to Americans, particularly at the out- 
set of a specific campaign. 

To date, four editions of The American Citizens 
Handbook have been published. The first printing of 
the first edition was in March, 1941. Two printings 
were made of each of the first three printings, and to 
date, one printing of the fourth edition. A total of 
70,000 copies has been printed. The Handbook is 
priced at $2.00 per copy. 

Included in the worthwhile material to be found in 
this well-bound, well-illustrated Handbook is a section 
devoted to short biographical sketches, with portraits, 
of all Americans who have been elected to the Hall of 
Fame at New York University. Each sketch includes 
a quotation from the writings of the subject. 

In the section u Facts for Every Citizen," one of the 
good features is brief sketches of each of the forty- 
eight states of the Union, with the state seal shown for 
each. Another subsection gives short sketches of the 
member states of the United Nations. 


Part IV of the Handbook, 55 pages, is devoted to 
the United Nations. The first page describes Wood- 
row Wilson's effort to establish the League of Nations, 
and closes with this paragraph : 

Wilson and the League were rejected by a na- 
tion eager to return to "normalcy," and at the 
time of his death on February 3, 1924, he was a 
broken and defeated man. Yet so true was his 
vision and so practical his idealism, that their ulti- 
mate achievement thru the United Nations has 
become the goal of peace-loving men and women 
the world over. 

Unwavering confidence in the United Nations, and 
willingness of National Education Association to use 
any and every propaganda device to make it appear 
that there can be no valid objection to any of the plans 
and programs advocated by proponents of this particu- 
lar route toward world-super-government, has been dis- 
closed in the chapter of this little book entitled "Pro- 
moting International Collectivism." 

This general attitude is further disclosed in the 
Handbook. The United Nations section includes the 
UN Charter, the Constitution of the United Nations 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, and 
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Of 
course there is no hint of the dangers to American lib- 
erties which are inherent in these documents. One 
would hope that honest supporters of United Nations 
would frown upon such propaganda methods. 

Part VII of the Handbook, "A Golden Treasury 
for the Citizen," 125 pages, is devoted to "literary 
gems" of the American culture, gleaned from "Sacred 
Writings" and secular sources. The "Sacred Writ- 
ings" include "The Secret of Happiness," by Confu- 
cius, some Proverbs of Hindustani, and Sayings of 


Mohammed. The secular writings include this choice 
bit from the pen of Langston Hughes : 


Hold fast to dreams. 

For if dreams die 

Life is a broken-winged bird 

That cannot fly. 

Hold fast to dreams. 

For when dreams go, 

Life is a barren field 

Frozen with snow. 

Perhaps realism and accuracy are not requirements 
for deathless poesy; certainly the quoted quatrains are 
neither realistic nor accurate. Snow does not freeze 
fields; rather, it protects fallow soil from root-killing 
freezing. But it runs in the mind of this humble scribe 
that he has heard that critics of poetry do not look 
kindly upon such "mixing of metaphors" as that in- 
dulged in by the quoted writer. 

Even were these Hughes stanzas the rarest gems of 
poetry ever penned, surely they could have been spared 
from a Handbook such as this one is professed to be, 
since the author has made it all too plain that his first 
allegiance is to Soviet Russia rather than to America. 
Many will believe that placing this writing in the 
Handbook is a gesture of bravado on the part of the 
responsible editors. 

The Langston Hughes "gem" is published also in 
Personal Growth Leaflet No. 288, Selections for 
Memorizing, Grade 8, one of a "set" with the same 
general title, for Grades 1 to 16. All these selections 
are included in the "Golden Treasury" section of the 

The publisher, National Education Association, tells 


the story of these leaflets on Page 2 of No. 36: 

Personal Growth Leaflets first appeared in The 
Journal of the National Education Association as 
commencement messages to young people. A de- 
mand for copies led to leaflet editions which were 
widely distributed. These came to the attention 
of Hugh Taylor Birch, who as a boy in Yellow 
Springs, Ohio, had known Horace Mann. Mr. 
Birch was so impressed by the leaflets that in 
December 1938 he gave a revolving fund to ex- 
tend their publication through mass production. 
The demand has grown amazingly until sales are 
now over a million copies yearly. All money re- 
ceived goes back into the Fund to add to the 
service. Editorial work on the leaflets has been 
done by Joy Elmer Morgan, editor of The Jour- 
nal, assisted by members of The Journal staff. 
Typography and cover designs are by Erie Prior, 
art editor of The Journal. 

According to a list received in midsummer, 1951, 
300 titles of Personal Growth Leaflets have been pub- 
lished, and about 135 titles are kept in print and avail- 
able for sale. Except for a few of double size, the 
leaflets have 16 pages; the page size is three by five 

Effective Jan. 1, 1951, the price of the leaflets was 
raised from one cent to two cents each. Even at the 
higher price the booklets are heavily subsidized. At- 
tractive bulk and group offers are made, as well as 
combination offers with the Handbook, which also is 
"under the wing" of the Hugh Birch-Horace Mann 

Some of the more popular titles, and the number 
published, as announced on copies currently sold, are 
Education and Human Relations, 382,000; A Century 


of Consumer Cooperation, 379,000; World Citizen- 
ship, 80,000; Heirs of Democracy, 280,000; Educa- 
tion and Human Relations, 382,000; Your Citizenship 
in the Making, 362,000; The Code of the Good Amer- 
ican, 561,000; Seven Adventures in Pioneering, 279,- 
500; Ethics for Teachers, 1,052,000; Social Imagina- 
tion in Education, 250,000; Your Life in the Making, 
840,000; An American Program of Plenty, 295,000; 
Economic Systems in the United States, 255,000; The 
Task Before Us, by John Dewey, 30,000, and The 
Tenth Generation, 329,000. 

In the Seven Adventures leaflet the author, Harry 
A. Overstreet, outlines seven notable achievements in 
America, but matches each with what the author claims 
is dismal failure. The presumption is that the net 
result of Americans' efforts to progress is exactly zero. 

Admitting that man has conquered Nature, bending 
her forces to human needs and desires, and that a great 
part of this conquest has been the result of American 
enterprise, the author counters with this: 

Our conquest of Nature has likewise had its 
defeat. Ostensibly, by means of the machine, we 
were to liberate man. As a matter of fact, we 
have permitted him to become further enslaved. 
With remarkable powers at our command for the 
release of life we have permitted life to be bound 
by new fetters. 

This is the merest drivel. Propagandists like this 
author who can see nothing good in America moan, for 
example, about the sad fate of the worker on the pro- 
duction line who performs but one operation. They 
would have us believe that the blacksmith, gunsmith, or 
other artisan who toiled over forge or bench for 70 
to 84 hours a week, lived in a hovel and wore a leather 


jerkin seven days of the week, was a happier, freer 
man than the present-day factory worker who labors 
40 hours a week, or less, with two completely free 
days, and drives to work in his own car. 

Joy Elmer Morgan, previously identified, wrote 
Your Life in the Making. This author insists that 
"You live in a democracy." This point is sufficiently 
discussed in the chapter of this book titled "NEA's 
Preoccupation with Democracy." 

The booklet on Consumer Cooperation was written 
by C. J. McLanahan, educational director of the Co- 
operative League of America, and follows the propa- 
ganda line of that section of the intelligentsia which 
seeks to use co-ops for advancement of the Socialist 

Prominent in this propaganda is the claim that there 
is great value in the cooperative practice of allotting 
control of co-ops on the basis of membership rather 
than on property interest; the slogan is, "Democratic 
control — one member, one vote." 

Let us examine this method. Owner of one share 
of stock in a cooperative has one vote; owner of ten 
shares also has one vote. This writer will not contest 
the claim that the method is democratic, but will insist 
that it is not American. 

Let us assume that three farmers undertake to do 
some hauling for a lumber company. Brown has six 
horses and Smith and Jones have two horses each. 
Under the American system, of each ten dollars of 
payment by the logging company for services, Brown 
would get six dollars and Smith and Jones would get 
two dollars each, and in bargaining with the logging 
company, the owner of the six horses would have a 
controlling voice. 

Now let us assume that the three farmers have no 


horses, but that Brown has savings which will enable 
him to purchase six horses, and Smith and Jones can 
buy two horses each. Now the three men organize a 
cooperative and put their funds into its treasury and 
the horses are purchased by the co-op, which also makes 
the deal with the logging firm. 

Under this setup, the earnings will be divided as 
before, but when it comes to bargaining arrangements, 
the two owners of stock equivalent to the value of four 
horses can out-vote the owner of stock equivalent to 
the value of six horses. 

This does not sound like an American plan, and why 
should it? The cooperative idea was developed in 
Europe. If Americans wish to adopt European ideas 
and use them in conduct of their business affairs, that 
is their privilege, but the use of European ideas by 
Americans does not convert them into American ideas. 

Everett R. Clinchy, president of the National Con- 
ference of Christians and Jews, is author of the leaf- 
let, Education and Human Relations. In this booklet 
is developed one of the wierdest economic theories that 
this present writer ever has seen. "Believe it or not," 
the theory is : 

There is a high correlation between depressions 
and areas of hate. . . . Hate of class, race, creed 
or nationality measurably slows up the solution of 
every economic problem. 

According to this theory we must assume that the 
depression of the early 1930's came because some peo- 
ple were hating other people ! Well, before the de- 
pression had been conquered, we were urged to hate 
Nazis and Japs so much that we would start shooting 
them. And hardly had the shooting started when the 


depression was over — everybody who wanted to work 
had a job! How about it? 

Of course no true American approves a doctrine of 
hate of other races, nationalities or creeds, but noth- 
ing is to be gained by advocating doctrines of maud- 

Nor does an American citizen who is devoted to the 
American idea of the importance and dignity of the 
individual toy with the philosophy of Socialism, which 
robs the citizen of his most important rights as an 
individual, including the right to own property and to 
care for his family from the fruits of his own toil. 

What must we think, then, of leaders of National 
Education Association who choose the nation's shrewd- 
est and most "slippery" propagandists for Socialism 
to prepare the content of Personal Growth Leaflets? 

NEA recommends that these leaflets be "given to 
individual students to help maintain our common 
American heritage." NEA suggests that city and 
county superintendents of schools, principals of schools 
and presidents of colleges, use them as gifts to teachers 
and graduates. NEA further recommends that the 
leaflets be used by guidance and personnel workers for 
developing character and qualities of leadership, and 
that pastors and character building agencies should 
use them to guide the young. They are suitable also, 
NEA says, for libraries to use in programs for build- 
ing good will among patrons. 

Stuart Chase wrote An American Program of 
Plenty for publication as PGL No. 153, of which a 
total of 295,000 copies have been printed. In this 
leaflet the author's thesis is the same as it was in his 
book, An Economy of Abundance, the Macmillan 
Company, 1934, in which he presented the Socialist 
program in frank terms, even to accepting the basic 


Marxian premise that the fall of capitalism is inevi- 
table, for he wrote, "The ultimate decay of capital- 
ism, prophesied by Marx, is now going on before our 

Can any reader assume that the editors of Personal 
Growth Leaflets did not know about Stuart Chase's 
writings, and that he is one of those propagandists for 
Socialism who are frank when it pleases, and double- 
talkers when this tactic seems likely to be more 

Writing for the PGL booklet, Chase presents the 
Socialist propaganda techniques of arguing for "pro- 
duction for use" and for the program of gradualism 
with the mixed economy as the first goal. He wrote : 

If production men are not thwarted by the ex- 
igencies of buying cheap and selling dear, if their 
only goal is production, they can make the plant 
jump over the moon. . . . We are, I think, head- 
ing deeper into a mixed economy, where govern- 
ment takes the responsibility of over-all leader- 
ship for full employment, but where business, co- 
operatives, and nonprofit enterprise — all share 
the field. 

Another frankly Socialist writer, David Cushman 
Coyle, wrote three PGL booklets, Economic Systems 
in the United States, A Primer of Taxation, and Roads 
to American Prosperity, as Nos. 94, 93 and 97, re- 
spectively. Only the first-named has been promoted 
by the publishers; a total of 255,000 copies has been 
printed, as compared to no more than 30,000 for either 
of the others. 

Coyle is touted by the NEA editors as a "noted 
engineer and author." Four of his books are named; 
the best known are Brass Tacks, 1935, and Uncommon 
Sense, 1936. Also it is noted that Coyle wrote the 


$1,000 Harper prize essay. This sounds very nice, 
the only "fly in the ointment" being that those who 
read the $1,000 essay found in it nothing that could 
not be found also in any ten-cent pamphlet bearing the 
imprint of the Socialist Party. 

Presumably in support of the theory that a mixed 
economy is at hand, the Coyle Economic Systems leaf- 
let declares that six different economic systems now are 
operating in the United States. These systems are 
named as the operations of non-profit organizations 
such as churches, country clubs, foundations, colleges 
and professional societies; cooperatives; privately op- 
erated business enterprises; public utilities; govern- 
ment business, and criminal gangs which "form an eco- 
nomic system that supplies certain services desired by 
a large section of the public but not sanctioned by law." 

Of course the truth is that only one economic system 
is operating in America. We had a competitive free 
enterprise system at the outset, and though this system 
has been modified in many respects, always in the direc- 
tion of a collectivist system, it remains a competitive 
system with but minor exceptions. 

For example, a non-profit society or cooperative, or 
the government, offering an insurance, food supply, 
hospital, or other service, must do so in competition 
with privately-owned, profit-seeking agencies offering 
the same or similar and competing services. Excep- 
tions include monopolies given to such agencies as labor 
unions and public utilities by government, and govern- 
ment's own monopolies such as first class mail service. 

In Roads to American Prosperity, circulation only 
20,000 copies, Mr. Coyle offers this "appealing" bit: 

A part of our personal savings . . . are not 
legitimate, but arise from failure to pay the full 


cost of maintaining this country in good shape. 

• • • 

By paying income taxes for conservation and 
improvements, we can return idle savings to cir- 
culation, without creating any debts. At the same 
time we shall add to our wealth and security. And 
this is the most legitimate use of our savings. 
Surely it is not surprising that NEA has not pro^ 
moted the sale of this leaflet; how many will agree that 
our income tax payments are our best savings? 

John Dewey's My Pedagogic Creed was made the 
subject of a separate chapter of this little book, titled 
"John Dewey's Philosophy In a Nutshell," because 
that leaflet offers the basis for the so-called progres- 
sive education. Dewey's over-all philosophy is sketched 
briefly, but quite understandably, in PGL No. 148, 
The Task Before Us. Quoting: 

Since my adult years have been given to the 
pursuit of philosophy, I shall ask your indulg- 
ence if, in concluding, I state briefly the demo- 
cratic faith in the formal terms of a philosophic 
position. So stated, democracy is belief in the 
ability of human experience to generate the aims 
and methods by which further experience will 
grow in ordered richness. Every other form of 
moral and social faith rests upon the idea that 
experience must be subjected at some point or 
other to some form of external control; to some 
"authority" alleged to exist outside the processes 
of experience. Democracy is the faith that the 
process of experience is more important than any 
special result attained, so that special results 
achieved are of ultimate value only as they are 
used to enrich and order the ongoing process. 

In his statement Dr. Dewey has given us a defini- 


tion of democracy as it is understood by him and his 
followers; we have every right to assume that when 
they talk or write about democracy, they have in mind 
the Dewey definition. 

Examining the Dewey definition we find that democ- 
racy, as he conceives it, rejects all " 'authority' . . . 
outside the processes of experience." Under this con- 
cept, nothing is true, nothing is good, and no course of 
human action is correct because of divine decree, nor 
are there any eternal verities, things good and things 
true, yesterday, today, tomorrow and forever. Hence, 
the future is what mankind, alone and unaided, will 
contrive to make it, with only man's own experience 
for a guide. 

Out of the window go the Ten Commandments and 
the Sermon on the Mount; human actions are to be 
guided only by human judgment based on human ex- 
perience as to the value to human comfort which will 
result, and as they may be used to "enrich and order 
the ongoing process." 

Since Dr. Dewey has defined democracy in this fash- 
ion, it hardly will be consistent for his followers, pres- 
ently dictating the policies of National Education As- 
sociation, to object when others define democracy as a 
godless system, a rule of men rather than a govern- 
ment by law, as is done in the chapter of this little book 
entitled "NEA's Preoccupation with Democracy." 

Openly and callously, or by subterfuge if this tech- 
nique suits their mood, the Dewey followers attempt, 
at times, to bedeck their godless philosophy in the gar- 
ments of religion, even in the vestments of the Chris- 
tian faith. 

This is a well understood propaganda tactic. It is 
described by A. Campbell Garnett of the philosophy 
department in the University of Wisconsin in his book, 


A Realistic Philosophy of Religion, Willett, Clark & 
Company, 1942, as follows: 

Thus we have, in the past hundred years, a new 
phenomenon in the history of civilization — a cru- 
sade against all religion carried on in the name of 
morality. In Europe the great revolutionary 
originator of this crusade was Karl Marx. In 
America it has been vigorously prosecuted in the 
interests of a much milder program of reforms 
by John Dewey. 

Readers are unlikely to overlook the significance of 
the fact that Dr. Garnett sees two social-economic pro- 
grams, but only one crusade. 

An excellent example of use of the "cover up" is 
found in the presentation of The Tenth Generation, 
by Harry Stillwell Edwards, as Personal Growth Leaf- 
let No. 11, and as a featured article in The American 
Citizens Handbook. Really a short story, The Tenth 
Generation was first published in The Journal of NEA 
in 1933. In both current publications an introduction 
declares that "Our American democratic civilization 
has its roots in religious teachings — in the brotherhood 
of man and the Golden Rule." The writing "belongs 
in the library of every teacher and every citizen," the 
blurb declares. 

In the story a wise old attorney is consulted by a 
man of wealth who wants to know how he can arrange 
economic security for a prospective descendant in the 
tenth generation, perhaps about the year 2187. 

The old lawyer draws some simple charts which 
show the questioner that the lad of 2187 will have 
1,034 ancestors of this present generation, and these 
now are all around the questioning man and his young 


The best insurance for the welfare of that boy of 
the future would be Christian education for the gen- 
eration of today and the succeeding generations, the 
attorney argues, and the capitalist really "goes for" 
the idea, and is quoted as declaring: 

"Ten generations of God-loving beings, sound 
of mind, body and soul, and full of the beauty 
of holiness, would give us back Jesus Christ on 
earth ! And that is just the way He will come — 
the product of His own laws. Any other way 
would be illogical." 

To millions of American men and women, Christian 
education means instruction in the teachings of the 
Holy Bible in a manner to encourage belief in those 
teachings. In the Scriptures it is written that Christ 
will return to earth when the prophesies of that Holy 
Writ have been fulfilled and the time of the Second 
Coming arrives. 

Just why National Education Association should 
feel it necessary or even desirable to slap these earnest 
Christians in the face with declaration of a "second 
coming" doctrine which they must feel is purely secu- 
lar and completely apostate and heretical surely passes 
all understanding. Though we have plenty of proof 
that the designs of the leaders are anti-God, anti- 
Christian and anti-American, it would seem that even 
this unholy cause could be forwarded in less revolting 

Perhaps the observation may seem anti-climactic, 
but surely it is worthy of note that the same group of 
men which insists that Christian teachings must not be 
presented in the public schools make a particular point 
of presenting a doctrine which millions declare is anti- 
Christian; and it is done as an example of Christian 




No single project of National Education Associa- 
tion, or any of its divisions or departments, more cer- 
tainly types the nation's greatest organization of edu- 
cators as contributing to the cause of Communism- 
Socialism, than sponsorship of the textbooks Building 

No textbook in any land ever had such unusual 
"birth," sponsorship and form of presentation. 

"Building America was born in a Federal Writers' 
Project in New York City," it is quite correctly de- 
clared in A Bill of Grievances, prepared and published 
by National Society Sons of the American Revolution. 
"The first unit, 'Housing,' was prepared under the su- 
pervision of the Works Progress Administration." 

But the project quickly attracted other sponsors. The 
first unit was published by The Society for Curriculum 
Study and distributed by Columbia University Press. 
This was a preliminary number. 

Starting in October, 1935, and for five years there- 
after, Building America units were published monthly 
for eight months each year. The units were 28 to 32 
pages in size; the pages measured approximately nine 
by twelve inches. Each unit dealt with one subject. 
Second class mailing privileges were secured in April, 

The second unit, Food, was designated as Vol. 1, 
No. 1, and on the back cover page of this issue it was 
announced that "Building America is published with 


the assistance of Lincoln School of Teachers College, 
Columbia University, and the Works Progress Ad- 
ministration, New York." The same legend appears 
on all issues of the 1935-1936 series, No. 1 to No. 8, 
inclusive, and these eight units and the preliminary 
"Housing" unit were bound in a volume bearing on 
the front cover the inscription, "Illustrated Studies of 

All 32 issues or units of the four years or volumes 
Modern Problems." 

starting with October, 1936, bear the imprint of E. M. 
Hale and Company, Milwaukee, Wis., as publisher, 
and in the set available to this writer, the three vol- 
umes, Nos. 2, 3 and 4, the Hale company name appears 
on the binding and on the preliminary pages giving 
table of contents and other information about the 
book as a whole. 

Volume 5 of this set bears the imprint of the Ameri- 
cana Corporation, New York, on the binding and pre- 
liminary pages. All units and volumes show that the 
copyright is owned by the Society for Curriculum Study. 

At the time of these original printings and publi- 
cations of Building America the Society for Curriculum 
Study was an independent organization, not directly 
affiliated with National Education Association, though 
closely allied in matters of methods, programs and 
personnel. The situation existed from 1924, when the 
Society was founded, until the "merger" in 1943. This 
background is detailed in various NEA publications, 
as, for example, we read in Proceedings of the eighty- 
seventh annual meeting held at Boston, Mass., 1949: 

The Department of Supervisors and Directors 
of Instruction had its inception as an independent 
society called the National Conference on Educa- 
tional Method, organized in February, 1921. 


... At the Boston meeting of the NEA in Feb- 
ruary, 1928, the name of the society was changed 
to the National Conference of Supervisors and 
Directors of Instruction, and the executive com- 
mittee was instructed to prepare a petition asking 
for acceptance as an NEA department. The peti- 
tion was acted upon favorably at the Minneapolis 
meeting in July, 1929. 

On March 1, 1943, the department merged 
with the Society for Curriculum Study, founded 
in 1924, and changed the name of the organiza- 
tion to the Department of Supervision and Cur- 
riculum Development. On January 1, 1946, the 
title was changed by substituting the word "As- 
sociation" for "Department." 

Thus NEA "absorbed" the Society for Curriculum 
Study and its programs and projects, most notable of 
which is Building America. 

Public housing projects in England, France, Ger- 
many, Russia and Austria are lauded in the prelim- 
inary "Housing" unit of Building America. Nothing 
America has done in the way of housing in any way 
compares with these overseas housing projects; Ameri- 
ca's timid approach to public housing, however, has 
one thing in its favor, the unit authors believe — no 
public housing project ever could fail. 

In black-faced type, the unit authors present a "com- 
parison," which is an implied question, with no answer 
given. It is pointed out that since 1911, an automo- 
bile manufacturer has added many improvements to 
his product, and at the same time reduced the price to 
about one-third the 1911 figure, while the cost of resi- 
dential housing has about doubled. 

The "Food" unit approves all the New Deal pro- 
grams for agriculture, including the Tugwell Bill which 


failed of passage, and gives the reader the impression 
that only through intervention of government agencies 
can the nation hope to escape suffering, if not outright 

In this unit Building America breaks a well-estab- 
lished policy of textbook writing by expressing an 
editorial viewpoint, repeated in many later units, as 
follows : 

Building America believes that the American 
people have so far mastered the forces of nature 
that, for the first time in history, we can now live 
in an age of plenty for all. We may thus, at last, 
have abundance and leisure to develop the finest 
possible American culture. 

The "Health" unit offers an excellent presentation, 
in picture and story, of development of medical science 
and public health, but the final pages are strongly 
slanted toward socialized medicine. 

That government intervention and control is the 
only hope for continued free movement of persons and 
goods is the principal theme of the "Transportation" 

Again, in the "Communication" unit of Volume 1, 
a fine presentation of development in the various fields 
occupied by private enterprisers is "thrown out of fo- 
cus" by exaggerated distortion of the merits of the 
sole government-operated enterprise, the post office, 
which offers the public a "service (which) is cheap, 
safe and efficient, and more widespread than that of 
these means of instant communication," meaning tele- 
graph, telephone and radio. 

Repeating, in the "Power" unit, the authors fairly 
present developments of electric power, all the result 
of efforts of individuals and corporations, and the 


claims of Rural Electrification Administration are ac- 
cepted only in part by the authors. But government 
operation in the electric power field through such proj- 
ects as Boulder Dam and Tennessee Valley Authority 
(TVA), and locally through municipally-owned utili- 
ties, wins hundred per cent approval of the authors. 

At the outset it is declared that "electricity is a pub- 
lic utility, as necessary to modern life as water and 
shelter," a fallacy so obvious as to need no discussion. 

"The Federal Government is making cheap power 
by building dams and hydroelectric plants," the au- 
thors declare, and in "proof" offer the completely dis- 
credited statistics and arguments of proponents of 
TVA and other public power projects. 

Over-all plans of the planners of public power are 
disclosed in a map on Page 26 of the "Power" unit. 
"The map shows how America might plan a nation- 
wide system for producing and distributing electric 
power," lines under it explain. The map is credited 
to National Resources Board, Mississippi Valley Com- 
mittee, and titled "Tentative Regional Power Districts 
for the U. S." The 12 districts shown blanket the 
entire nation. 

Similar maps have been shown in connection with 
plans drafted by the Public Ownership League, headed 
by Carl D. Thompson, who left the Socialist Party to 
work for "gradual socialization." Following a Super- 
Power Conference held in Washington, D. C., in Jan- 
uary, 1924, Senator George W. Norris offered the 
Conference plan in a bill (S-2790, 68th Congress, First 
Session) which provided for "a nation-wide super- 
power system." 

This bill failed of passage, but Senator Norris bided 
his time, and in 1933 offered the bill which established 
Tennessee Valley Authority as first unit of a scheme to 


spread the Authority plan over every acre of the area 
of the United States. 

In the "Recreation" unit, as in all others of this 
volume, government "has the answer" to all the prob- 
lems arising from the desires of people for recreation, 
quite as well as other needs and desires of the general 

Unquestionably, youth faced many problems during 
the depression years of the early 1930's, but many 
critics claim these problems were unduly emphasized 
in No. 8, the final unit of Volume 1, titled "Youth 
Faces the World." 

If pictures can be believed — and surely photographs 
cannot deceive — the youth of the Soviets and even in 
Nazi Germany were healthier and happier, better 
clothed, better fed, and better behaved than our Amer- 
ican youth during those troublous days. 

German girls in a labor camp present a much more 
pleasing picture, as they are shown in this unit of 
Building America, than do the young Americans in a 
Civilian Conservation Corps camp. Other "unflatter- 
ing" photos of American youth show two groups steal- 
ing rides on freight cars; one group of young loafers 
outside a sporting goods store; another group being 
questioned by police officers; soldiers under fire; stu- 
dents demonstrating for "Schools, Not Battleships"; 
a doleful and dispirited group seeking solace in a 
rather gloomy library, and one rather intelligent look- 
ing youth whose only view is through prison bars. 

Of course government is doing its best for young 
people; the young readers of Building America are 
told of the programs of National Youth Administra- 
tion, Federal Employment Service, Works Progress 
Administration and CCC, but the young people en- 
gaged in projects arranged by such agencies, or even 


the Y.M.C.A. and similar agencies, do not appear 
happy as they are pictured in this book. 

Nor are all these things enough — youth must "or- 
ganize for peace" and take part in such ventures as 
the Student Strike Against War sponsored annually 
by the American Student Union. The National Stu- 
dent Federation also is a worthy organization, read- 
ers of Building America are advised. 

According to the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities, National Student Federation was closely in- 
terlocked with the (subversive) American Student 
Union, of which it was a predecessor. (Page 471 of 
Appendix IX of the House Committee.) Building 
America recommends the NSF to secondary school 
students who may be going to college soon. 

American Youth Congress, as it operated from 1934 
to 1941, u was one of the most influential front organ- 
izations ever set up by the Communists in this coun- 
try," the House Committee declared on Page 525 of 
Appendix IX. Originally organized by a non-Com- 
munist, Viola lima, the Congress was taken over by 
Communist infiltration prior to the end of 1934, it is 
explained on Page 526 of the Appendix. The job was 
accomplished neatly and with dispatch under direction 
of leaders of the Young Communist League. 

Thus we see that in May, 1936, a year and a half 
after American Youth Congress began operating as a 
Communist front, it is presented to adolescents in sec- 
ondary schools as a worthy organization engaged in a 
worthy program. 

In the years following completion of the original 
five-volume series of Building America much of the 
content was revised and rearranged. 

Building America was adopted as a supplementary 
text for Seventh and Eighth Grades of California 


schools by the State Board of Education in January, 
1947. The matter was not allowed to rest there; the 
Senate Investigating Committee on Education devoted 
its Third Report, dated March 27, 1948, to presenta- 
tion of its procedures and findings in connection with 
its investigation of charges that Building America is 
unsuitable for use in public schools. The finding, 
Page 19, is summarized in the following paragraph: 

The Committee finds the Building America 
Books to be unfit for use in our schools, and ap- 
pends hereto independent appraisals of the books 
and a record of the official actions to date. 

At the time of this investigation, which was four 
years after the Society for Curriculum Study had been 
absorbed into the National Education Association, the 
current edition of Building America was in thirty "vol- 
umes," the volumes corresponding to the units of the 
bound volumes. 

The Senate Investigating Committee retained Atty. 
R. E. Combs, for ten years counsel for the various 
committees of the Legislature mandated to investigate 
subversive activities, to make critical analysis of the 
thirty volumes. His report, which includes consider- 
able material about the affiliations, backgrounds and 
writings of contributors to Building America and au- 
thors whose texts are listed in the bibliographies, is 
presented in the final 65 pages of the Committee 

In the introduction or letter of submission, Mr. 
Combs wrote in part: 

I have checked the text material, illustrations 
and captions. . . . Some of the booklets contain 
no Communist propaganda. Others contain it in 


abundance. The majority of the books are 
slanted in such a manner that they pointedly dis- 
parage the American way of life by criticizing 
the defects and failing to devote commensurate 
attention to the benefits. In many instances the 
text material is erroneous. Frequently the most 
insidious and effective propaganda is accomplished 
through illustrations and captions. 

Volume XXX, titled u Seeing America," is described 
by Mr. Combs as "the last, and certainly one of the 
worst books in the series." From his description it 
appears to be identical with the unit of the same title 
which appears as Unit No. 8 in Volume 3 of the first 

As Mr. Combs points out, if the student, or other 
reader, expects that the book will give him an accurate 
picture of a progressive, prosperous and independent 
America, he will be disappointed. 

The book is illustrated with 55 reproductions of 
photographs, but they are not pictures taken by some 
person or group making a tour of America. The pic- 
tures are "stock" photos secured from various agencies. 
Somebody picked up the pictures, then the u story" was 
written around them. 

Twenty-two of the photographs were secured from 
the Farm Security Administration; two from other 
federal agencies; eight from one professional photog- 
rapher and four from others in the same business; two 
from aerial surveys; three from two Chambers of 
Commerce; three from two state departments of con- 
servation; two from automobile manufacturers; four 
from as many railroads, and the remainder from mis- 
cellaneous sources. Only one was taken for Building 
America, and that is a picture of a New York sky- 


Of the pictures collected for this unit, "Seeing Amer- 
ica/' not one shows a church or library or a school, or 
a local or national park; not a picture shows a national 
monument, or a forest, rippling stream or plunging 
waterfall. There is no picture of a residential street, 
or of a college campus; no picture of either youth or 
adults at play save only one group of picnickers in a 
Tennessee state picnic ground, and some sun bathers 
and sea bathers at a Florida resort. 

One Idaho farmstead is pictured, and it looks fairly 
"nice," though the buildings, mostly hidden by' trees, 
appear uninviting. A Wisconsin farm scene shows 
shed-like barns and no silo ! Other farm scenes show 
Negro workers weighing in their cotton pick; a mule 
auction on an Illinois farm; a cantaloupe field in the 
Imperial Valley; a farmer viewing an eroded field; a 
flooded farm bordered by a river dike; an abandoned 
farmstead in New York state; a family of refugees 
from a drought area, a row of barbeque stands and 
tourist camps along a treeless highway, and a western 
reclamation project. 

Urban scenes include a picture of a jobless man 
standing in front of a vacant store; one of the Farm 
Security Administration pictures; a horse-draw T n water- 
wagon largely obscuring a two-story business block; 
a group of men visiting and "loafing" on a courthouse 
lawn on a Saturday afternoon; Main street in Macon, 
Ga.; main streets of Salt Lake City, Utah, and a small 
nameless village in a treeless area of the plains; Negro 
section of a Southern town; a Southern steel mill with 
homes of workers in foreground; Southern mine tip- 
ples, again with homes of workers in the foreground, 
and the wreckage left by a Southern hurricane. 

Surely the foregoing list of pictures gives a sorry 


picture of our beloved America, most prosperous na- 
tion in the world. 

For the purpose of describing America, textually, 
Building America authors divide the country into five 
sections or divisions, and devote two double-page 
"spreads" to each. In the brief resume which follows, 
captions of the pages are given, pair by pair, in italic 

The East — Early Settlers Found a Land of Plenty. 
The theme is that we now have The East — Greatest 
Industrial Region of America because of the great nat- 
ural resources of iron, coal, oil and forests, and the 
geographical advantages of rivers and harbors. 

The South — Goodliest Soil Under Heaven. Here, 
too, were rich natural resources, making possible The 
South — A Great Agricultural and Rising Industrial 

The Middle West— Land of Forests and Prairies. 
Starting with a rich fur trade and developing the great- 
est deposit of iron ore in the world, and other valuable 
minerals in plenty, we now have The Middle West — 
Region of Farms and Factories. 

The West — Land of Plains and Mountains. Fur 
traders, trappers, government agents and other fear- 
less souls such as the Mormons, pressed westward to 
the land of the richest silver and copper deposits, dis- 
placed the buffalo with sheep, and with the kindly aid 
of the Department of Reclamation, wrested some 11,- 
000,000 acres from the deserts; the descendants of 
these pioneers now reside in The West — Mining and 
Grazing Region. 

The Far West — Golden Land. Great Britain and 
the United States were rival claimants for the "Oregon 
country," but America won out and the area is in- 
cluded in a land of forestry, mining and pleasant cli- 


mactic conditions, productive fisheries, a lot of irriga- 
tion projects (government sponsored, of course) and 
water powers developed (also at taxpayer expense) at 
Bonneville and Grand Coulee. So why should it not be 
The Far West — Region of Varied Industries? 

But America is not so much a land of production, 
performance and accomplishment as it is a land of 
problems and possibilities. Hence a double page 
"spread" devoted to discussion of the sorry fact that 
Americans Still Face Nature-Made Problems, these 
problems being mainly floods, forest fires and erosion. 

Again we learn, in another "spread," that Man- 
Made Problems Also Confront Our People. These 
problems are "overcrowding, unemployment, poor or 
insufficient farmland, and great inequalities in the dis- 
tribution of wealth and income." But there is hope! 

In the last "spread" the reader is privileged to be 
Seeing America — As It Might Be. The authors tell 
the juvenile readers that "America is a country rich 
in natural and man-made resources, yet one-third of 
our people are said to be ill-fed, ill-clothed and ill- 
housed." But government will solve all the problems: 

Already Americans have begun to take steps to 
make over our country into a better place of liv- 
ing, for all the people. Local communities have 
more and more worked out city plans for rehous- 
ing slum dwellers, for adding parks and play- 
grounds, for building new schools. State govern- 
ments have started programs to conserve their 
soil, forests and wild life. The Federal Govern- 
ment, through its Natural Resources Committee, 
has worked out plans for developing more wisely 
the natural and human resources of our great 


Another 'Volume" sharply criticized by Attorney 
Combs in his official capacity is titled u Our Constitu- 
tion"; it is Volume I of the edition at his disposal. 
The title is the same as that of Unit I of Volume 2 of 
the original bound edition, but this seems to be a case 
of revision, and perhaps re-revision of the original, 
and withall, revision for the worse. Many of the 
pictures and statements which the attorney criticizes 
do not appear in the first printing. 

One of the historical cartoons criticized by the at- 
torney shows Thomas Jefferson attempting to pull 
down the Federal Government, with the enthusiastic 
assistance of the Devil. The caption admits that such 
a cartoon u would offend public taste today," and offers 
no reason for "unearthing" it for consideration of ado- 
lescents of this era. Another cartoon shows "Lincoln, 
Sumner and Greeley burying the Constitution, Free 
Speech, the Habeas Corpus and the Union," each of 
the latter shown in separate caskets. Quoting Attor- 
ney Combs: 

On page 244 appears a picture of downtrod- 
den workers supporting on their bowed shoulders 
the nation's industries, and seated on top of the 
heap are the capitalists — fat, opulent and wear- 
ing silk hats. . . . 

On page 246 a group of roughly-clad and angry 
factory workers are shown gathered around the 
front porch of their employer. A sad-looking 
lady stands nearby with a babe in her arms and 
a little girl at her side. The workers are de- 
manding more pay and better working conditions, 
and the owner of the factories looks coldly down 
at them from under his silk hat, while a servant 
in livery stands behind his master. . . . 

On page 251 a police patrol car is about to 


depart for the nearest jail with a load of draft 
slackers. The usual curious crowd is milling 
around. The caption states: "Police (above) are 
arresting men who cannot prove they have regis- 
tered for the draft of 1917. Public temper ran 
so high that many 'slackers' were denied their 
constitutional rights." 

On page 252 are two illustrations. The first 
shows a breadline; the second a run on a bank. 
These indicate to the grammar school children 
how U A Depression Tests the Strength of the 

The text material in this book has been criti- 
cized on the ground that it is, in many instances, 
historically and technically inaccurate. It is sub- 
mitted that the 8th graders for whom this par- 
ticular volume was intended would not be both- 
ered too much about the interpretation of legal 
matters by the Supreme Court. . . . 

Much of the text material in this book is most 
certainly not subversive in the sense that it advo- 
cates the overthrow of the Government by unlaw- 
ful means. The text does create the impression 
that the Constitution may be outmoded and has 
been stretched and pulled out of shape to cover a 
social era not contemplated when the document 
was drawn. There are pointed suggestions that 
despite Constitutional safeguards, civil liberties 
have been violated, monopolies encouraged and 
that the toiling masses have been pretty much at 
the mercy of the corpulent gentlemen in silk hats. 
These general impressions are created through the 
vague and confusing language of the text and by 
the plainly biased nature of the illustrations. No 
fair person wants such a supplementary text to 
present a distorted picture of our Constitutional 
form of government; no such person believes that 


our government has been perfect — but to empha- 
size the defects and minimize the virtues as this 
book does is too much. 

None of the pictures or cartoons mentioned in the 
foregoing paragraphs from Attorney Combs' report 
appear in the original printing. The most objection- 
able pictures in the earlier printing show the burning 
of Elijah Lovejoy's printing establishment, men in the 
costumes of the Black Legion, and a Chicago scene 
during the Haymarket Riot in 1886. 

These pictures, with accompanying text, tend to lead 
the young reader to believe that, by and large, the Bill 
of Rights has not done much of anything to protect 
American citizens. The authors come close to saying 
just that under a picture showing Norman Thomas 
addressing a really tremendous crowd in New York 
City. The description of the picture reads in part : 

Socialists such as Thomas, Communists, and 
trade union leaders have many times been denied 
the right to freedom of speech in certain Ameri- 
can towns and cities, a violation of their Consti- 
tutional rights. 

"Many times" is most indefinite terminology, and 
likely to deceive. Probably, if computation were made, 
it would be found that millions of meetings of radicals 
and trade unionists have been held, with no interfer- 
ence of any kind, for every one which was prohibited 
or interfered with by local ordinance, or illegal acts of 
officials or private persons or groups. 

While the text, like the pictures, is different in the 
two printings, Attorney Combs' criticism fits both cases 
remarkably well. In the first printing, a major por- 
tion of the text on ten pages (of a total of 28 pages 


in the unit) has to do with controversies about Supreme 
Court decisions. 

A news feature from The New York Times under 
caption, "Court's New Deal Score," shows how the 
court and its individual members "lined up" on ten 
pieces of New Deal legislation. (Of the ten, only 
the TVA Act and the Gold Clause Act won approval.) 

The young readers are asked whether they agree 
with the decisions of the court! 

Throughout the "Constitution" unit there is bland 
assurance that everything done by the New Deal, and 
prior to that period, everything done in the name of 
"democracy," was most certainly for the best, and 
wholly above any possible criticism. The "best ef- 
forts" of the authors to cover their bias by statements 
to the effect that "liberals" argue so-and-so, and con- 
servatives take this-and-that position, are completely 

A strangely-conceived contradiction of terms occurs 
in a statement on Page 12 : "On the whole, the twenty- 
one amendments to the Constitution have not changed 
the form of government, but have helped to make our 
government more democratic than it was before." 

It may not be admitted by the authors of Building 
America, but the Founders of our government recog- 
nized that a democracy and a republic are quite differ- 
ent forms of government, and deliberately chose to 
establish a republic, rejecting all pleas for creation of 
a democracy. 

When for example, by amendment of our federal 
Constitution, we adopted direct election of U. S. Sena- 
tors, and when, by amendment of state Constitutions, 
the democratic techniques of referendum, initiative 
and recall came into use, the form of American gov- 


ernment was changed, to some degree, in the direction 
of democracy. 

The Building America authors write what purports 
to be a statement of the background and operations of 
the convention at which our Constitution was written, 
but in that account there is no word about the most im- 
portant issue which was discussed and decided there, 
which was the matter of the form the new government 
was to take. 

Their sin is not merely a sin of omission, for on Page 
27, last page of text, they make the direct and flat 
statement, "this is a democracy." 

To the mind of this writer, even such a statement as 
that just quoted is less evil than the authors' partici- 
pation in the Communist-inspired plot to besmirch and 
besmear the writers of the Constitution and that docu- 
ment, and the government it founded. They wrote, 
and their writing appears on Page 7 : 

The Convention held together "by the strength 
of a hair" only because the delegates were agreed 
upon at least one main point. They wanted a 
strong government to protect property against 
"the common man" who owned little more than 
the strength of his hands. 

After relating a sad story about how sweatshops 
despoil and exploit workers despite all the efforts of 
the two great unions, the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers of America and the International Ladies 
Garment Workers Union, the authors make strong in- 
ferences that retail shops have too high a mark-up on 
their wares. They follow through by making it ap- 
pear that citizens of America either are poorly clothed, 
or "robbed" when they buy clothing, but happily the 
Building America authors come up with a "solution" 


in the "Clothing" Unit, No. 3 of Volume 2 of the 
original printing. The solution: 

What we must do is to plan our clothing indus- 
try. There must be less "cut-throat" competition 
between rival companies, and reasonable prices 
for goods so that owners get a reasonable profit 
on their money. There must be higher wages for 
workers in the clothing industry so that they can 
buy clothing and other goods they need. There 
must be shorter hours of work so that more cloth- 
ing workers have jobs. All Americans must learn 
how to spend their clothing dollars more wisely. 
And the incomes of millions of our families must 
be raised to a level where they can purchase ade- 
quate clothing. 

The authors do not say who is to "plan," and who 
is to make the plans work, but we may be sure the 
readers, even the adolescents, know what the authors 
have in mind. 

As might be expected, the employing steel companies 
get none of the best of it when the Building America 
authors describe the Homestead strike of 1892 with 
pictures and text in the "Steel" unit, No. 5 of Volume 
2 of the original printing. The authors have a "plan" 
for bettering conditions in the industry. It is on Page 
31 of the unit, and reads: 

If the steel industry were to run at full blast 
night and day turning out steel products, they 
would be able to manufacture materials which 
Americans very much need. They could, for ex- 
ample, make steel houses like that pictured oppo- 
site. If these houses were made cheaply enough, 
they would help provide better homes for millions 
of American families. 


We may wonder what came into the minds of young- 
sters who happened to be assigned to this section of 
"learning" materials at the time when the newspapers 
told citizens of the Lustron fiasco. 

With such a mass of material to examine — more 
than 50 non-duplicated units in the first and latest 
printings — this chapter could be expanded almost in- 
definitely. Mr. Combs found that of the 30 volumes 
in the printing he examined, about half were free of 
collectivist propaganda, or nearly so. In many cases 
he noted that it did not appear that the subject lent 
itself to introduction of propaganda. 

Certainly this did not apply to the unit or volume 
on "Russia," which is included in the last, but not the 
first printing. Here was opportunity to glorify the 
Soviet Union, and the authors did not fail to seize the 

This unit is profusely illustrated, as are all other 
units, and every photograph used was supplied by Sov- 
photo, official Soviet propaganda agency. Naturally, 
the Soviet agency is able to make the Soviets appear 
to be a land of happy, friendly and exceptionally pros- 
perous people. 

By way of excusing this one-sided, completely un- 
realistic presentation, the Americana Corporation, 
publishers, explained that surely "everyone is aware" 
that it is impossible to secure photographs to portray 
adequately the squalor, destitution and misery — Soviet 
inflicted — which would have to be shown if the Soviets 
were correctly pictured. 

But nowhere in the text is this pointed out! Will 
the children, pupils of the Seventh and Eighth grades, 
know it, instinctively? 

This "sin of omission" appears in other ways in 
the text. Nowhere in the volume is there any mention 


of concentration camps, purge trials, secret police or 
party discipline; there is no mention of the Third In- 
ternational or Comintern, which is the very heart and 
soul of the international Marxism. 

Young Pioneers are pictured on a hike, and the 
reader learns that the Pioneers graduate into the 
Komsomols, but they are not told that both Pioneers 
and Komsomols arq party-controlled organizations, 
and that the primary purpose of both is to indoctrinate 
Russian youth with the Marxian ideology. 

Russian people are pictured going to church, but 
the young Americans who are to "learn" from the 
books are not told that these "op-en" churches are 
"show places" and strictly Communist controlled to 
the end that no such thing as freedom of religion 
exists in the Soviets. 

This unit or volume is completely "bad" ; if it were 
the only objectionable feature of the entire Building 
America Series, it would be sufficient cause for rejec- 
tion of the whole. 

National Education Association must accept respon- 
sibility for Building America; it was "adopted" by 
NEA when the Society for Curriculum Study was "ab- 
sorbed," years after all educators had had ample op- 
portunity to know that the series was unfit for use by 
American public schools. 



Protection of youth from evil propaganda is one of 
the professed objectives of all progressive educators. 

Under direction of Prof. Elmer Ellis of the De- 
partment of History, University of Missouri, the Na- 
tional Council for the Social Studies devoted its Seventh 
Yearbook to explanation of how best to do it. The 
Yearbook was presented under the title Education 
Against Propaganda. Professor Ellis, at that time 
(1937) president of the Council, was editor of the 

Sixteen articles by as many writers are included in 
the Yearbook, and Editor Ellis explains in his Intro- 
duction that the first eight articles "were planned by 
the editor to acquaint teachers with basic concepts," 
and the remainder were selected as "examples of good 
practice and theory at present available for use in the 

Along the line of "basic concepts" for teachers, it 
is interesting to note that Prof. Hadley Cantril, of 
Princeton University, in the article "Propaganda and 
the Radio," chooses W. J. Cameron, speaker on the 
Ford Sunday Evening Hour, as the outstanding propa- 
gandist for the evil influences of entrenched wealth. 
Starting on Page 93 we read: 

We may select as an example of this type of 
propaganda the talks given by W. J. Cameron on 


the Ford Sunday Evening Hour. The program 
comes at an hour when families are gathered to- 
gether in their homes. It is a dignified, respect- 
able program consisting of comparatively high- 
class music. The dignity of the music is sustained 
by the dignity and authority of Mr. Cameron's 
voice. His talks cover an enormous range of sub- 
jects. But except when he is uttering a series of 
harmless platitudes on such a subject as "The 
Light of Easter," or "Mother's Day," one may 
read into his remarks two consistent themes : the 
greatness of Mr. Ford and the warning that any 
tampering with our present system of economic 
individualism will spell disaster. A few of Mr. 
Cameron's statements will illustrate the point. 

• • • 

In his address on "The Constitution" we read: 
"The peculiar glory of the Constitution of the 
United States is that it is not a charter of rights 
granted by the government to the people, but a 
limit of powers to which a vigilant people restricts 
its government." Obviously the liberal minority 
on the supreme court would rephrase this sentence 
to mean exactly the opposite. 

Granted that a strong case could be made for char- 
acterizing Mr. Cameron as a propagandist of a type, 
certainly Professor Cantril did not make a particularly 
happy choice in his selection of an example of "reac- 
tionary" propaganda, for the simple reason that the 
statement ascribed to Mr. Cameron is absolutely true, 
and it cannot be presented as false even if all members 
of the Supreme Court and all the other judges and all 
the collectivist-minded persons in the world would like 
to rephrase it. 

The American government is not an entity with di- 
vine right or any other right beyond the rights granted 


to it by the citizens in whom sovereignty rests, and it 
has no power to grant liberties to anybody. The pow- 
ers and authorities granted to the three branches of 
the American government when "We the people of 
the United States" adopted the Constitution are strictly 
limited, and u The Enumeration in the Constitution, 
of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or 
disparage others retained by the people. The powers 
not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the 
States respectively, or to the people." The last quoted 
phrases are the text of the Ninth and Tenth Articles 
of the Bill of Rights. 

We can and should be grateful to Professor Cantril 
for showing us so plainly that he wishes to conceal 
from the citizens the true character of our govern- 
ment as one of the means of deceiving them into the 
belief that government can and does have the power 
to confer benefits, even liberties, upon its subjects. For 
this is the philosophy of all collectivism, and held by 
all collectivist-minded persons, whether they be Marx- 
ians, Fabians or merely deluded "liberals." 

And it must not be overlooked that Professor Can- 
tril is one of Professor Ellis' "chosen eight" who were 
commissioned to "acquaint teachers with basic con- 

A much less particularized statement regarding the 
evil influences from which American students must be 
protected opens the tirade of Prof. Howard K. Beale 
of the University of North Carolina, who begins an- 
other of the "chosen eight" articles, titled "Propa- 
ganda Influences Within the School," as follows: 

Various groups in the United States seek to 
control what is taught in the schools. Most vocal 


among these, if not the most powerful, are the 
so-called patriotic groups. These fall into* three 
types: military organizations like the American 
Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the 
Reserve Officers' Association, which have taken 
the place of the now almost extinct Grand Army 
of the Republic and the United Confederate Vet- 
erans; ancestor-worshippers like the Daughters of 
the American Revolution, the Sons of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, the United Daughters of the Con- 
federacy, and the Sons of Veterans; and certain 
professional patriots organized to propagate 
"patriotism" of a 100 per cent variety through 
groups like the America First Foundation, the 
American Civic Association, the American Vigi- 
lant Intelligence Committee, the Better America 
Federation, the Key Men of America, the Na- 
tional Civic Federation, the National Security 
League, and the Paul Reveres. 

These organizations have several common 
characteristics. They stand for a peculiar brand 
of chauvinism and supernationalism, for large 
armaments, imperialism, and isolationism, for re- 
actionary social and economic views. . . . They 
fight "radicalism'' in the name of ancestors who 
were themselves radicals. They seek to repress 
freedom in the name of ancestors whose chief 
claim to fame was their love of freedom. They 
claim to be protectors of American ideals and tra- 
ditions but have never read the writings of men 
like Lincoln, Jefferson, Madison, Tom Paine, 
Franklin, Adams, and Washington sufficiently to 
know that they perpetually violate the ideas for 
which these men struggled. If Thomas Jefferson 
tried today in an American school to interpret the 
Declaration of Independence or his First Inaug- 
ural in terms of modern America, the patriotic 
organizations would have him barred as a u dan- 


gerous radical." If any of our Revolutionary 
heroes tried to teach in an American school, the 
patrioteers would discover that, after all, in lead- 
ing America into the Revolution, he had been in 
the employ of Soviet Russia. 

Some readers, as well as this writer, are likely to 
believe that the real truth is just the opposite of Pro- 
fessor Beale's observations about reading. If the 
modern-day "educators" who teach our youth that the 
American government is a democracy had read exten- 
sively of the writings and sayings of the Founding 
Fathers, they might have read, even if they did not 
profit by, a rather typical reminiscence about Benjamin 

Franklin was approached, after adjournment of the 
Constitutional Convention, by a citizen who asked what 
type of government the country would have under the 
Constitution, if ratified. "A republic — if we can keep 
it," was Franklin's reply. 

More about National Education Association's false 
teaching in this regard will be found in the chapter of 
this litle book titled "NEA's Preoccupation with 'De- 
mocracy.' " So, before proceeding to examination of 
the professor's vagaries on other or related subjects, 
we pause only long enough to wonder how the profes- 
sor can be so sure that Lincoln, Madison, Jefferson and 
the others, if living today, would have as little regard 
for the basic principles of American liberty as do the 
"educators" who determine the policies of NEA. 

Professor Beale's paper is a "treasure trove" of 
rabid excoriation of all who refuse to follow the col- 
lectivist line, but only one more quotation will be made. 
It is from Pages 106 and 107 of the Yearbook: 


Pressures upon teachers have greatly increased 
since the World War. . . . The pressure groups 
operate upon the teacher in a variety of ways. 
They influence politicians to enact legislation and 
school board regulations denying freedom; loy- 
alty oath laws, usually harmless in themselves but 
dangerous because of the use that may be made of 
them and the purpose of their advocates; compul- 
sory flag salutes; required celebrations of special 
days, anniversaries of events, even in one state an 
Uncle Remus Day; required courses in good citi- 
zenship, state history, the Federal Constitution, 
the state constitutions, and numerous other sub- 
jects often valuable in themselves but imposed by 
politicians at the behest of some interested group 
with no regard for the rounding out of a general 
curriculum based on sound educational principles; 
. . . Many of the specific curriculum require- 
ments are objectionable not because offensive in 
themselves but merely because when they are piled 
up together they leave little chance to work out 
an effective educational program. 

Surely no parent of a teen-age high school student, 
and no citizen desiring the best in education for the 
voters of tomorrow, can miss the implications of the 
foregoing quotation, penned by a writer who is impa- 
tient with any and all ideas in opposition to a free 
hand for collectivist-minded "educators" in conduct of 
the public schools. 

But in case some social science teacher or other 
teacher who can believe no evil of the "superior minds" 
who determine NEA policies may read this, a few ques- 
tions will be asked: 

Will somebody please point out a few teachers who 
are not going about their duties, and their pleasures, 


in the complete freedom which is the right of American 

If it is true that loyalty oaths are harmless in them- 
selves — and it is true, as can be testified by hundreds 
of thousands of elected and appointed public officials 
who have sworn to uphold the Constitution will testify 
— just what use can be made of them to harm these 
who take the oaths, or those who administer them, or 
anybody else? 

Just what is wrong with teaching children to salute 
our National Emblem? 

Why should we not celebrate, in schools and else- 
where, the birthdays of Lincoln and Washington, and 
perhaps other national heroes? Is it wrong to remem- 
ber Armistice Day and Memorial Day? 

Most important question of all: Will Professor 
Beale, or some other spokesman for NEA, tell us how 
a "general curriculum based on sound educational prin- 
ciples" can be "rounded out" for use in American 
schools, to instruct the next generation of American 
voters, without inclusion of studies of citizenship, state 
and national history, state and national Constitutions? 

This observer, a newspaper man for a quarter- 
century and watching public affairs in some capacity or 
other, or merely as a citizen, for more than half a cen- 
tury, believes that demands for teaching American his- 
tory and related subjects come from parents and pa- 
trons of the schools, rather than from politicians or 

But regardless of their source, would these demands 
be made if these subjects were being satisfactorily 
taught, or even taught in mediocre fashion, in the pub- 
lic schools of the day? 

Certainly, in the case of any school system where 
the teaching of these important subjects is being ac- 


complished satisfactorily, either the demands will not 
arise, or they can be answered by a showing of what is 
being done. Certainly the answer never would need 
to be complaints because patrons, or anybody else, 
wanted these subjects taught in the schools. 

From the "approved" paper of Professor Beale it 
is quite clear that the "educators" setting policies for 
NEA are eager to protect the youth of the land from 
the vicious " 'patriotism' of a 100 per cent variety" dis- 
seminated by "ancestor worshippers." 

Are they as eager to protect adolescent students 
from the propaganda on the left? 

A "progressive education" technique which has the 
approval of Editor Elmer Ellis of the Seventh Year- 
book is the discussion method. Teen-agers in the 
"progressive" schools "study" by pitting their wits 
against the wiles of the shrewdest propagandists the 
world ever has seen. 

"Teaching Resistance to Propaganda" is the title 
of a paper by Prof. William W. Biddle, State Teach- 
ers College, Milwaukee, Wis., which is one of the 
papers which Editor Ellis presents as "examples of 
good practice and theory at present available for use 
in the schools." Professor Biddle goes directly to the 
point : 

The more orthodox education sought to have 
children absorb given quantities of "correct" in- 
formation. Newer tendencies stress the impor- 
tance of self-motivation in the child, of his seek- 
ing through his own activities, research and dis- 
cussion to discover truth for himself. An integral 
part of this newer "child-centered" education is 
the process of deliberation, by which students in 
groups examine many sources of information and 


ideas and winnow out those ideas which impress 
them as tenable. 

To "translate" this: the old fashioned educators 
assumed that before any person, youth or adult, can 
make rational decisions about social, economic or po- 
litical questions, he must have some facts and informa- 
tion bearing on the subject. "Reactionary" teachers 
believe that some knowledge of economics is desirable 
before a person is requested to make up his mind about 
economic issues. Some knowledge of historical nature 
might be helpful, since an economist is likely to real- 
ize that what will happen under certain conditions 
probably will be quite like what has happened before 
under similar conditions. 

But our "progressive" educators have a different 
idea. Presumably they argue that the only way to 
learn to swim is to swim. At any rate they think it 
proper and normal procedure to set teen-agers to dis- 
cussing the merits of Supreme Court decisions, the 
probability that historical accounts of Revolutionary 
War battles are purely legendary or based in propa- 
ganda, and the solution of the most difficult economic 

The problem of unemployment is one which has oc- 
cupied the attention of economists and other scholars 
for many years, and the wisest of these are the first to 
acknowledge that they do not have all the answers, 
nor do they really expect to have all the answers at any 
foreseeable or predictable future date. 

Professor Biddle recommends setting a class of 
Eighth or Ninth Grade students at work to discover 
the causes and cure of unemployment, and describes 
in detail how it was done in a school not named. 

At this time we are not so much interested in the 


methods and propriety of the procedure as in the re- 
search materials used. Professor Biddle offers the list 
of points of view which were examined, as follows: 

Monetary Theories: Father Coughlin, infla- 
tionism, John Maynard Keynes, social credit. 

Theories Concerning the Automatic Passing of 
the Depression: Ex-President Hoover, the Lib- 
erty League, material from the Chamber of Com- 
merce, Leonard Ayres. 

Theories Demanding Fundamental Change : 
Foster and Catchings, Norman Thomas, Karl 
Marx, Communist leaflets, Stuart Chase, George 
Soule, Fascism in Italy and Germany, Technoc- 
racy, E.P.I.C, Unemployment Insurance. 

Overproduction, Underconsumption and Mis- 
cellaneous: Farmers' organizations, the New 
Deal, Labor organizations, "America's Capacity 
to Produce, "America's Capacity to Consume," 
Tax schemes, "Share the Wealth." 

Only on the point of the theory that the depression 
would pass automatically were any conservative mate- 
rials examined. On all other phases of the problem, 
conservative or liberal materials were entirely lacking 
or clumsily concealed, and the students were "exposed 
to" the propaganda of every revolutionary, radical and 
crackpot movement active in the nation. 

Techniques used, as well as the method of approach, 
so closely parallel those of the once-powerful Institute 
for Propaganda Analysis that it is not surprising to 
find in the book quoted above several references to the 
earlier writings of Prof. Clyde R. Miller of Columbia 
University, secretary of the Institute during its rather 
brief but altogether hectic existence. 

Later manuals of NEA departments openly recom- 


mend the Institute materials, as for example, three fa- 
vorable references are to be found in Teaching Critical 
Thinking in the Social Studies, Thirteenth Yearbook 
of The National Council for the Social Studies, 1942, 
on Pages 20, 50 and 171. 

Before that Yearbook made its initial bow, the In- 
stitute had passed out of the American scene, and the 
Yearbook sponsors were "left high and dry." 

The Institute had been established in 1937 with 
funds provided by the late Edward A. Filene, Boston 
merchant with a penchant for support of leftist proj- 
ects. Its demise was forecast as early as February, 
1941, but it was not until December of that year — 
after Pearl Harbor — that the Institute u folded up," 
ostensibly for the duration, but remaining u in hiber- 
nation" to date of this writing. 

Commenting upon the demise, The Survey for De- 
cember, 1941, related that at a meeting of the board 
on the previous Feb. 27, "it was decided that if the 
U. S. became involved in hostilities, a re-examination 
of program would become necessary." 

In its issue for June 9, 1941, Time reported that 
two members of the board had resigned, these being 
Prof. Paul H. Douglas of the University of Chicago 
(now United States Senator) and Prof. Eduard C. 
Lindeman of the New York School of Social Research, 
a former president of the Institute. Professor Linde- 
man was quoted as declaring that one of the Institute's 
articles about the war had in it "more propaganda than 

Directors of the Institute, announcing "suspension 
for the duration," were quoted by Christian Century, 
Nov. 26, 1941, as saying that "after the war the Insti- 
tute might resume its task of subjecting the conflicting 
claims of official and unofficial partisans to objective 


analyses, but it is no longer possible to attempt that 
service in the midst of the conflict." 

Prof. Kirtley Mather of Harvard University, Insti- 
tute president at the time, was a bit more concise; he 
was quoted as saying that it was not advisable to ex- 
amine the government's war propaganda. 

Professor Lindeman's remark, quoted above, was 
made concerning only one article; it would have been 
equally correct if he had directed it at all the Institute's 
publications and pronouncements. 

From the outset the Institute had rejected the defi- 
nitions of outstanding authorities, such as Prof. Fred- 
erick E. Lumley of Ohio State University,* and held 
that there is such a thing as good propaganda. The 
Institute's ideas about good propaganda were a mat- 
ter of no little concern to many who observed the 
Institute's operation, for it seemed that in its analyses 
of propagandas — and it was only bad propaganda that 
it attempted to analyze — the Institute never got around 
to analyzing the propaganda of the Communists and 
other leftists. 

The only possible conclusion was that the Institute 
viewed as good all the propaganda of the leftists. 
Direct charge to this effect was made in a letter to 
Professor Miller under date of July 10, 1938, and 
over the signature of this present writer. 

A statement of general denial would have been easy 
to make, and were the charge not true, it should have 
been not too difficult for the professor to cite some 
instance in which leftist propaganda had been analyzed 
and castigated. 

But the professor chose neither of these obviously 
suitable methods of reply. In a letter under date of 
July 18 he wrote that he was pleased to have the criti- 

♦Author of The Propaganda Menace, Century, 1935. 


cism sent him and that "later on we hope to print the 
analyses some of our readers have made of us," and 
asked if the Institute might have permission to print 
all or part of the particular criticism of this writer. 

Permission was granted, of course, but so far as this 
writer knows, the Institute never published this par- 
ticular criticism of its operations, or any others. 

Such was the great "educational" experiment, car- 
ried on by disciples of John Dewey at Columbia and 
other great universities, and high in the councils of the 
National Education Association and its departments, 
divisions, commissions and committees. 

At least some advance toward objectivity was made, 
even if with reluctance and in a negative way, when the 
Institute for Propaganda Analysis folded up. 




Readers of yearbooks, handbooks, manuals, periodi- 
cals and other publications of The National Education 
Association cannot fail to be impressed with a feeling 
that the writers have a preoccupation with the slogan 
word "democracy" and its derivatives which amounts 
to obsession. 

Schools, they write, must be located in centers of 
democracy and themselves must be democratic "from 
stem to gudgeon." Administration, financing, plan- 
ning and operation must be democratic; every unit, 
every class, every lesson must be democratic. So em- 
phatic and so oft-repeated are these demands that we 
well may wonder whether the teachers, if they tried 
to follow all this advice and all these demands, could 
find time to think about anything else or teach anything 

All this might be "bearable," considered as a not- 
too-harmful foible, were these shouters for democracy 
able to get together in agreement as to what democ- 
racy is, why they are shouting for it, and what they 
hope to gain from their insistence upon democracy. 
We may wonder if, when they did decide what democ- 
racy is, they still would maintain, as so many of them 
do, that our American Republic is a democracy. 

So important to our educators is the teaching of 
democracy they devote entire books to the subject. An 
example is Learning the Ways of Democracy, pub- 
lished in 1940 with The National Education Associa- 


tion and its department, American Association of 
School Administrators, as joint sponsors, with the 
Educational Policies Commission, appointed by the 
sponsoring organizations, supplying the content. 

Early in the authors' consideration of "The Course 
of Study," Chapter II of the book, they offer "promis- 
ing units in American history." First of the offerings 
is one which was developed at Fieldston School in New 
York City, around the question, "What Is the Ameri- 
can Tradition?" The course outline is presented on 
Pages 51 and 52 as follows: 

What Is the American Tradition? 

I. Is it democratic? 

a. In the political field 

1. Extension of franchise 

2. Reform spirit in political parties 

3. Institutions giving greater popular con- 

b. In the economic field 

1. Distribution of income 

2. Amount of social control of economic life 

c. In the social field 

1. Amount of equality of opportunity 

a. Among different income groups 

b. Among races 

c. Between sexes 

2. Social responsibility for the care of the 

3. Protection of the rights of the individual 
II. Is it individualistic or cooperative? 

a. Extent of individual enterprise 

b. Amount of collective action through govern- 

1. Subsidies 

2. Tariffs 

3. Land grants 


4. Collective enterprise 
c. Private experiments in collectivism 

III. Is it tolerant? 

a. Religion 

b. Race 

c. Nationality 

IV. Is it progressive? 

a. Amount of opposition to reform 

b. Groups opposing reform 

Surely it is clear from this outline that its designers 
and the authors who recommend it for wider use are 
approaching the subject from the negative position of 
criticism of the American way of life, seeking to find 
faults which can be magnified. 

This is the Communist-Socialist technique : teachers 
seeking to give their pupils a true understanding of the 
American tradition and opportunity to appreciate it 
would approach the subject from a positive viewpoint, 
with studies of the basic American documents and of 
the writings and sayings of the men who founded our 
Republic, "pointing up" the American tradition which 
had been developing in the Colonies for about 150 
years as the pioneers savored the blessings of liberty 
which had been denied to them in the lands from which 
they came. 

Theodore Roosevelt High School, Des Moines, 
Iowa, was reported by the authors to be using another 
highly significant outline. It is presented on Page 55, 
as follows: 

Democracy and Its Competitors 

I. The background of the struggle between democ- 
racy and dictatorship 
II. Democracy and autocracy compared 
a. A warning about definitions 


b. The meaning of democracy, nazism, fascism, 

III. Government of the United States, England and 

IV. Government of Germany, Italy, Russia 

V. Business, agriculture and labor under democ- 
racy and dictatorship 
VI. Education and religion under democracy and 

VII. Press and radio in modern nations 
VIII. Communism, fascism and nazism in the Western 
IX. Preserving and improving democracy in the 
United States 

Designers of the Des Moines course were more than 
necessarily clumsy; they completely fail to conceal the 
fact that they wish to "encourage" the students to 
believe that the governments of Britain, France and 
the United States are democracies, and so nearly alike 
that they may be classified as identical in form, and 
totalitarian forms. The republican form, which is 
presented as the logical, and sole, competitor of all 
ours, does not appear in the "picture," nor is there in- 
dication of intention to point out basic differences be- 
tween the governmental forms of Britain and France — 
to our "educators" they are identical. 

And, more and more about "democracy"; Sections 
II, V and VI offer opportunity to present democracy 
as the only alternative to autocracy, and Section IX, 
frankly captioned, surely will be developed as further 
propaganda to conceal, or at least minimize, a fact 
which every American student should learn : the Found- 
ers of our American Republic were keen, well-grounded 
students of political science and knew quite well the 
difference between a republic and a democracy, and on 


the basis of that knowledge, deliberately chose to write 
a Constitution which would establish a republic. 

A third outline presented, Pages 63 and 64, was de- 
veloped in Cleveland, Ohio, as a "Public Opinion" 
course. It follows: 

Civil Rights — Significance and Repression 
1. Development of Anglo-Saxon liberties 

a. Magna Charta (1215) 

b. Petition of Rights (1628) 

c. Bloodless Revolution (1688) 

d. American adaptations 

( 1 ) Declaration of Independence 

(2) Bill of Rights in the Constitution 
2. Civil liberty 

a. Meaning 

b. Personal rights 

( 1 ) Freedom of religion 

(2) Freedom of speech 

(3) Freedom of press 

(4) Freedom of assembly 

(5) Right of petition 

(6) Fair trial in criminal matters 

c. Property rights 

3. Repression of civil rights — earlier examples 

a. Alien and Sedition laws 

b. Chattel slavery in the 19th century 

( 1 ) The slave 

(2) The abolitionists 

c. Court decisions against labor 

d. Know Nothing Party 

e. Ku Klux Klan 

4. Effect of World War on exercise of civil rights 

5. Recent restrictions 

a. Suppressions in California 

b. Angelo Herndon 

6. Repressive legislation 


7. Comparative position of civil liberties 

a. In democracies 

b. Under communism 

c. Under socialism 

d. Under fascism 

8. Relation of civil liberty to public opinion 

Presentation of the entire outline of the topics of 
the Cleveland course, just above, serves a useful pur- 
pose by showing a number of "slick tricks" for mak- 
ing it easy to work in propaganda of the Communist 
line. Subsections a, c, d and e of Section 3 and all of 
Sections 4, 5 and 6 offer "splendid" opportunities for 
besmirching our beloved America, magnifying rela- 
tively minor shortcomings in a manner to make it ap- 
pear that our Bill of Rights really does not protect us. 
With but a minimum of imagination, a teacher can use 
Section 8 for the same ignoble purposes. 

But it is Sections 1 and 7 which give clues to the 
perversions of history teaching and instruction in politi- 
cal science and economics which have been so common 
in American schools — pardon, schools in America — 
to the great delight of the Communist-Socialist propa- 

American youth are being taught, openly and braz- 
enly, that the Declaration of Independence and the 
Bill of Rights are adaptations of British concepts. No 
statement could be further from the truth; were there 
even a grain of truth in the statement, the War of the 
Revolution need not have been fought. 

The British concept always was and still is that the 
state is an entity which has rights, liberties and other 
favors to bestow upon the citizens, subjects of the state. 

It was with this basic concept in mind that some small 
gains in the direction of human liberty were wrested 


from the Crown in 1215 and 1628. The process con- 
tinued, and bit by bit, power and authority has been 
wrested from the monarchs until now the ruling king 
is but the creature of Parliament, and the royal mon- 
arch must go before the national assembly and an- 
nounce the program of His Majesty's Socialist Gov- 
ernment ! 

The British people are no more free under a Social- 
ist (or any other British) Parliament than they would 
be under a royal king; certainly Britons were not so 
free under the Labor Party regime as they were dur- 
ing the reign of Queen Victoria. This is for the reason 
that, as liberties were forced from the crown, they 
were entrusted to Parliament, not given to the people. 

Thus the British Parliament is master of British 
citizens — they have neither written constitution nor 
courts to protect them from any ignominy that a power- 
mad Socialist Parliament may decree for them. 

Our American government is based upon an entirely 
new and different concept which was written into our 
basic documents by men who rejected the British and 
Euroean concept of statism. The Founders took the 
position that all sovereignty is of the people and be- 
longs to the people, and they so declared in the Dec- 
laration of Independence. 

Under leadership of the Founders, the citizens of 
the Colonies declared, fought for, and won their inde- 
pendence from the British crown, then proceeded to 
set up a government of limited power and authority. 
These acts constitute complete repudiation of the Brit- 
ish concepts, and in no particular are they adaptations 
of these concepts. 

The Founders distrusted strong government; they 
well knew that even a government set up by the people 
might well u get out of hand" and prove to be as op- 


pressive a state as if it had been frankly authoritarian 
from its founding. 

The Founders' fear of strong government sprang 
from their knowledge of the real nature of govern- 
ment. George Washington expressed this knowledge 
tersely when he said: "Government is not reason, it is 
not eloquence — it is force ! Like fire, it is a dangerous 
servant and a fearful master." 

So, in their fear of a strong government, the Found- 
ers set up the Confederation, which proved to be too 
weak; it was agreed that a stronger central or federal 
government was needed, but the Founders were ex- 
tremely cautious; the Constitution gives the Federal 
government only limited powers, and the Tenth 
Amendment provides that "the powers not delegated 
to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohib- 
ited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, re- 
spectively, or to the people." 

The United States government, as set up by the 
Thirteen Free Commonwealths which had been British 
Colonies, was of a new and theretofore unknown pat- 
tern; it never has been copied. 

True enough, from time to time, republics have been 
set up in various places on the globe, notably in South 
America. But no people has had the will and the cour- 
age to go all the way and set up a government with a 
written Constitution and Bill of Rights which protect 
the liberties of the people as they are guarded and 
made safe in our America. And no other people in 
the world have abandoned completely the Old World 
idea of the state as an entity which of itself has power 
and sovereignty, and the authority to act as custodian 
of human liberties and pass them out to the subjects 
of the state at the will of the rulers. 

Of course the superiority of the American form of 


government does not lie primarily in its uniqueness, 
nor in the fact that it is a representative or republican 

Rather, our American liberties are safe and pro- 
tected because ours is a government of law rather than 
a government of men, and the basic law is the moral 
law given to men in the Ten Commandments as con- 
firmed and added to by New Testament teachings. 

These basic American principles, so different from 
the ideologies of Europe, Asia and Africa, have been 
taught all too sparingly in the schools of our nation 
during recent decades, and, if the "bosses" of National 
Education Association are allowed to have their way, 
no American child ever will hear of them again. 

Insistence of the leaders of NEA that schools must 
teach that America is a democracy was shown in the 
three recommended outlines presented earlier in this 
chapter, and could be shown in literally hundreds of 
other quotations from NEA publications. 

From the Fourteenth Yearbook of the Department 
of Superintendence, titled The Social Studies Curricu- 
lum, comes this choice bit: 

The Democracy Theme. Democracy as a way 
if living, thinking and governing has rapidly be- 
come one of the most challenging of contempo- 
rary problems. Effective living in the present 
and in the future must of necessity be based upon 
a significant understanding of the principles of 
democracy. The term "democracy" is used in the 
sense of a social ideal that intends a full realiza- 
tion of individual potentialities, personal partici- 
pation in determining decision, or, in brief, an 
abundant life for ALL. 

Of course the idea of u one for all, all for one," must 


not be carried too far in one particular field, that of 
the teaching profession. It appears all too clearly that 
the top-drawer intelligentsia of the profession consid- 
ers itself as a class set apart, a caste of untouchables 
of a special priesthood. 

At the annual meeting of the National Council for 
the Social Studies in November, 1949, the Council 
declared by resolution, as reported in Social Educa- 
tion for May, 1951, Page 234: 

The Council opposes the official blacklisting of 
materials for student use. The choice of appro- 
priate materials for educational purposes in the 
social studies must, in our opinion, be made in ac- 
cordance with educational standards and needs. 
The blacklisting of textbooks is a threat to the 
freedom of expression traditionally allowed au- 
thors and publishers for the purpose of produc- 
ing materials representative of every viewpoint. 
Such blacklisting tends to encourage the textbook 
industry to abandon its allegiance to principles of 
freedom and to conform to the views and official 
pronouncements of pressure groups. 

Nothing in the philosophy of "democracy" contem- 
plates setting up a specially privileged class, a minority 
which may not be criticized by the majority or any 
person or group not a member of the "untouchables." 
Nor can it be considered as an American concept that 
parents shall surrender complete control over the train- 
ing of their children to an agency of the state; Ameri- 
can courts have sternly rebuked all such suggestions.* 

*In Pierce v. Society of the Sisters, 268 U. S. 510, 1925, the U. S. 
Supreme Court affirmed decrees of lower courts restraining and en- 
joining enforcement of a Compulsory Education Act adopted by ini- 
tiative procedure in the State of Oregon in 1922. The challenged 


Returning to the Seventeenth Yearbook of The Na- 
tional Council for the Social Studies, The Study and 
Teaching of American History, we find more laudation 
of democracy, with historical references presumed to 
bolster the thesis that democracy holds all the keys to 
human happiness and liberty. From Page 64: 

Almost unanimously, historians and educators 
tell us that the world view that defines "desirable" 
for Americans in 1946 is the democratic way of 
life. The democratic way expresses our ultimate 
assumptions as to the good life. 

Since the Greeks worked out their rudimentary 
democracy, the world has been a stage for a great 
struggle between various forms of authority and 
an emergent democracy. One act of this struggle 
has been set in America, a land whose historic 
commitment has been to democracy, an ideal em- 
bodied in its documents from the Mayflower Com- 
pact through the Atlantic Charter. 

We have reason to suspect that the great majority 
of those writers who are accepted by policy makers of 
NEA as historians are willing that u the world view" 
shall prevail, and our belief that considerably less than 
a majority of present-day educators want other nations 
to dictate America's policies may be only wishful 
thinking. But we know that millions of run-of-the- 
mill Americans now reject "the democratic way of 

act required parents to send children of school age to public schools 
rather than to private or parochial schools. In the affirming opinion 
Justice McReynolds wrote: "Under the doctrine of Meyer v. Nebraska, 
262 U. S. 390, we think it entirely plain that the act of 1922 unreason- 
ably interferes with the liberty of parents and guardians to direct the 
upbringing and education of children under their control. . . . The 
child is not the mere creature of the state; those who nurture him 
and direct his destiny have the right, coupled with the high duty, to 
recognize and prepare him for additional obligations.'' 


life" and millions more will reject it when the issues 
are clarified and they understand what promoters of 
"democracy" really have in mind. 

Let these promoters deny it all they will; let the 
apologists protest and protest again that the word 
meanings have changed, but the fact remains that de- 
mocracy is government by men, not a government of 
law, and to its chief promoters, democracy is synony- 
mous with socialism. 

In a democracy, the majority rules, which easily re- 
solves into rule of the strong, the old jungle rule. 
Rather than government by law, in democracy the prin- 
ciple is vox populi, vox del; the voice of the people is 
the voice of God; to all religionists, Christians and 
Jews in particular, this is heresy. 

We pause only momentarily to note the reference 
to the "rudimentary democracy" of the Greeks. As a 
matter of fact the Greeks had a highly developed form 
of democracy; the only reason the Greek form does 
not serve well as pattern for modern seekers after de- 
mocracy is the fact that the Greek system was super- 
imposed upon a slave system which made the easy life 
in the "upper strata" economically feasible. 

The declaration that America is a "land whose his- 
toric commitment has been to democracy, an ideal em- 
bodied in all its documents from the Mayflower Pact 
through the Atlantic Charter," requires more extended 

The Atlantic Charter is not, by definition, an Amer- 
ican document. It is an inter-nation agreement bind- 
ing together several of the so-called Western democ- 
racies, the United States in the Western Hemisphere, 
all the others in the Eastern Hemisphere. Earlier in 
this chapter it was pointed out that basic ideologies of 
America and the European nations are completely dif- 


ferent. Recently we had an authentic word that the 
situations are different in Europe and America, today 
as always. 

Wisconsin's governor, Walter J. Kohler, returned 
from a summer tour of Europe, wrote of his observa- 
tions in The Milwaukee Journal for October 7, 1951 : 

"Nowhere in Europe does there exist the free, pro- 
ductive, competitive system of providing goods and 
services which in the United States goes by the name 
of 'free enterprise' or capitalism," Governor Kohler 
wrote, and continuing: 

In France or Italy, if you want to start a busi- 
ness, it is necessary to make application for a 
license. This application is referred to the "syn- 
dicate" or trade association of those already es- 
tablished in the business — in short, your potential 
competitors — for a "recommendation." Under 
these circumstances it is understandable that a 
favorable "recommendation" might be hard to 

In the United States our philosophy of capital- 
ism is to reduce costs, lower prices to widen mar- 
kets, raise wages as productivity increases, and 
constantly to improve products and production 
methods in the certain conviction that if we don't 
do so, our competitors will. 

Such a philosophy is wholly alien to most 
European countries. From the earliest begin- 
nings of the guilds there has been inculcated in 
the European mind the philosophy of restricting 
competition, allocating markets, controlling prices 
at high levels and keeping wages at low levels — 
the exact opposite of our American beliefs. 

Admitting that a short visit in England is insufficient 
for a complete analysis of the British situation, the 


governor insisted that he believes he found some clues 
which suggest possible answers to questions Americans 
are asking. He wrote in part: 

Anyone may keep a pig, but if he slaughters it 
for his own use, he must give up his bacon ration 
for a year. Why keep a pig? 

The maximum retainable income under British 
tax laws is about $15,000 a year. Why try to 
earn more? 

Coal production in England is currently run- 
ning below the 1938 levels. It appears to be the 
key to her economy. I was told that 80% of 
England's automobile production is sold in ex- 
port and that if an Englishman wants to buy a 
car he must wait five or six years for it. 

"Why not increase production to take care of 
the domestic market ?" I asked. 

"We don't have enough steel," I was told. 

"Why not make more steel?" 

"Because we don't have enough iron ore from 

"Why not more ore?" 

"Because we don't have enough coal to trade 
with Sweden for her ore? 

"Why not more coal?" 

"Because the mines are getting deeper and 
harder to work. The miners are working for the 
government and don't think they should work so 
hard. Besides, taxes are so high they are not 
interested in getting more pay." 

Another sad story of a vicious circle is revealed here : 
would that it might show some of our eager propa- 
gandists for "democracy" that even short ventures into 
collectivism bring loss of liberty. 

Having reviewed the claims of the Yearbook edi- 


tors relative to the democracy of the Greeks and of 
Atlantic Pact nations other than the United States, it 
remains to examine the presumption that democracy is 
"an ideal embodied in . . . the Mayflower Compact." 

All right: will all those members of the class who 
can recite at least three lines of the Mayflower Com- 
pact please raise their hands? 

What, no hands? Too bad. Well, fortunately, the 
Compact is not a lengthy document, so the class — and 
"teacher" — will review it here: 

In the name of God, Amen, We, whose names 
are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread 
sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of God 
of Great Britain, France & Ireland King, defender 
of the faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory 
of God and advancement of the Christian faith, 
and the honor of our King and country, a voyage 
to plant the first colony in the northern parts of 
Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mu- 
tually in the presence of God and one another, 
covenant and combine ourselves togegther into a 
civil body politic for our better ordering and pres- 
ervation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; 
and by virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and 
frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, 
constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as 
shall be thought most meet and convenient for the 
general good of the colony; unto which we prom- 
ise all due submission and obedience. 

According to Henry Steele Commager of New York 
University in his Documents of American History, 
"The Compact was not intended as a constitution, but 
was an extension of the customary church covenant to 
civil circumstances, " but as the Plymouth settlers never 


were able to secure a charter, the Compact remained 
the only form of constitution of the colony. 

From reading the Compact we learn that the forty- 
one signers declared themselves to be loyal subjects of 
King James and citizens of his realm, and that their 
objectives were Advancement of the Christian faith 
and of our King and country"; neither of these objec- 
tives are in the "democratic tradition" or constitute a 
"commitment to democracy." 

Very possibly it would be wrong to declare that the 
Plymouth Colonists had no aspirations for liberty of 
assemblage, press, petition and other rights and liber- 
ties, but if we can believe their own words, their prime 
objective was freedom of religion along lines which 
they believed would be "for the glory of God and ad- 
vancement of the Christian faith." 

And what could be more natural, in view of the fact 
that the Christian faith which they held is the most in- 
dividualistic of all religions, and so clearly recognizes 
the basic human right to own property, that in an en- 
vironment created to protect religious liberty, these 
religionists should find, and come to value the fact, that 
all the other liberties mentioned in the Declaration of 
Independence and Bill of Rights go hand in hand with 
religious liberty? 

Certainly it is to be hoped that American citizens 
generally have a greater appreciation of these rela- 
tionships than do those teachers who, presumably, ac- 
cept as gospel all the propaganda for democracy which 
emanates from the headquarters of National Educa- 
tion Association. 

In other chapters of this book much evidence is pre- 
sented to show that the official NEA position is that 
"advance" in the social-economic field is toward de- 
mocracy and collectivism, the two words being used 


substantially as synonyms. This position is identical 
with that of both Socialists and Communists. 

It would be hard to name a more authoritative 
spokesman for Socialism than Thomas Mann. True, 
he is not an American, but he and his writings have 
been widely accepted in America, and he has the fur- 
ther qualification of being able to present that "world 
view" which our NEA editors value so highly. 

In the year 1938 the great scholar, acclaimed by the 
New York Tunes as "Germany's greatest writer," 
toured the United States. He was received with ac- 
claim from coast to coast by the supposedly most in- 
telligent people in the United States, and the halls and 
banquet rooms where this honored visitor delivered 
his lecture, "The Coming Victory of Democracy," 
were packed to the doors. 

So important did the intelligentsia consider this lec- 
ture that it was published in book form by Alfred A. 
Knopf, Inc., under the same title as the lecture. Here 
is one of the choicer bits from the book: 

That is why I call socialism a moral impulse, 
because its interests are essentially in internal and 
not in external politics; its passion is justice, right 
not might. . . . 

Europe and the world are ripe for an inclusive 
reform of the regulation of natural resources and 
the redistribution of wealth. 

If democracy wishes to make its undoubted 
moral superiority over fascism effective, and chal- 
lenge its pseudo socialism, it must adopt in the 
economic as well as the spiritual domain as much 
of the socialistic morality as the times make im- 
perative and indispensible. 

The Socialist has no monopoly on ability to describe 


his ideology in the terminology of democracy. Com- 
munists do it also. Earl Browder served the Com- 
munist Party for many years as its national secretary, 
and during this period he was the recognized spokes- 
man for the Party. On March 21, 1943, he engaged 
in debate with George E. Sokolsky, syndicated colum- 
nist, at Manhattan Center, New York. The debate 
was arranged by New Masses, Communist publication, 
which published the addresses of the two speakers in 
a pamphlet titled Is Communism a Menace? In this 
pamphlet Comrade Browder is quoted as saying: 

Theoretically there are two' ways of buttress- 
ing democracy with economic foundations; one 
way is to break up modern large-scale industry 
. . .; the second way is to vest the ownership 
and operation of large-scale industry in the hands 
of the community, organized in the state. . . . 
There are no other ways of perpetuating possible 
democracy. . . . This is the democratic argu- 
ment for socialism or communism. If the further 
development of democracy is our chief goal, then 
the necessity for some form of socialism is clearly 

To make it completely "official," beyond question 
and beyond possibility of quibbling, we turn to an offi- 
cial document of the Communist Party to show that in 
Communist-Socialist lingo democracy and socialism are 
synonymous. The quotation is from the Constitution 
of the Communist Party of the USA as adopted by the 
Tenth National Convention, May 27-31, 1938, and 
amended by the Special Convention, November 16-17, 

The Communist Party of the United States of 


America is a working class political party carry- 
ing forward the traditions of Jefferson, Paine, 
Jackson and Lincoln, and the Declaration of In- 
dependence; it upholds the achievements of de- 
mocracy, the right of "life, liberty and the pur- 
suit of happiness/' and defends the United States 
Constitution against its reactionary enemies who 
would destroy democracy and all popular liber- 
ties; it is devoted to defense of the immediate in- 
terests of workers, farmers, and all toilers against 
capitalist exploitation, and to preparation of the 
working class for its historic mission to unite and 
lead the American people to extend these demo- 
cratic principles to their necessary and logical 
conclusions : 

By establishing common ownership of the na- 
tional economy, through a government of the peo- 
ple; the abolition of all exploitation of man by 
man, nation by nation, and race by race, and 
thereby the abolition of class divisions in society; 
that is by the establishment of socialism, accord- 
ing to the scientific principles enunciated by the 
greatest teachers of mankind, Marx, Engels, 
Lenin, and Stalin, embodied in the Communist In- 
ternational; and the free cooperation of the Amer- 
ican people with those of other lands, striving 
toward a world without oppression and war, a 
world brotherhood of man. 

To this end, the Communist Party of the 
United States of America establishes the basic 
laws of its organization in this Constitution. 

The three paragraphs quoted above constitute the 
Preamble of the Party Constitution as published by the 
official publishing house of the Party, Workers Library 

This Communist Party approach makes it clear that 
one of the best reasons why the teaching profession 


should abstain from its ceaseless prattle about democ- 
racy is that the Communist-Socialist movement has 
"adopted" the word and is using it for the Party's own 
purposes. As a result, it is difficult, and at times vir- 
tually impossible, for readers and listeners to know who 
is writing and talking about principles which could be 
considered as American, and who is using the double 
talk of the followers of Karl Marx. 

Even were this not true, the fact would remain that 
the proponents of "democracy" are wholly unable to 
agree upon the meaning of the word. To say, as so 
many do, that it is "a way of life," means less than 
nothing; no other currently used definitions have any 
close relation to reality. 

As to why the educators should stop insisting that 
the American form of government is a democracy, the 
reasons are many. Those who so insist are nor jusc 
being unrealistic — they are perverting history. 

We are not, as some may believe, in a "trap" merely 
because the Communist-Socialist propagandists are so 
adept at using the current terminology to describe their 
own evil purposes. It is our own fault insofar and so 
long as we insist upon using terminology of the Com- 
munists' own choosing and liking. 

Teachers could refer to America as what it is, a spe- 
cial kind of republic, a government by lav/, that law 
being the moral law of the Judeo-Christian faith, the 
Ten Commandments; Communist-Socialist propagan- 
dists would have nothing to do with this kind of lan- 
guage — they could find no use for it — it could not be 
adapted to their purposes. 

The usual "alibi" offered by leaders of the teaching 
profession for their refusal to face up to the facts is 
that they are but following the popular trends and the 
"leads" of other prof essions, including the lexicograph- 


ers who have perverted our language by writing dic- 
tionary definitions with such weasel words as "repre- 
sentative democracy," and in other ways making it 
appear that there is not, after all, any difference be- 
twen a republic and a democracy. 

But how often we have observed declaration by and 
on behalf of the teaching profession that the teachers 
must lead, not follow! Why do they hesitate to take 
the lead in the direction of truth and realism? 

In this particular case or any other, is it a proper 
function of the teaching profession to perpetuate 

And finally, if the teachers persist in insisting that 
our American Republic really is a democracy, what 
word or phrase will they use to designate a form of 
government which is a democracy? 




Since the philosophy of Communism-Socialism is 
basically materialistic, rejecting all spiritual values and 
all supernaturalism, the most important step which a 
prospective convert must take before he can accept the 
Marxian doctrines is rejection of all religion, most 
particularly the most individualistic of all religions, 
which is Christianity. 

Insofar, then, as educators ignore and reject all spir- 
itual concepts, they are playing directly into the hands 
of followers of Karl Marx, and quite naturally the 
Marxians will approve and applaud. Quite as natur- 
ally they will do all they can to speed any trend in the 
direction of materializing and paganizing education 
which may develop or appear to be developing. 

Admittedly it is not possible to teach religion in the 
tax-supported schools of this nation. This is not, as 
is so generally assumed, because of prohibition in the 
First Amendment to the Constitution — no such prohi- 
bition exists. The amendment prohibits Congress from 
making any u law respecting the establishment of reli- 
gion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." The first 
clause of the quotation from the Amendment outlaws 
state churches; the second clause prohibits interference 
with individuals in their religious beliefs and practices. 

The situation as regards prohibition of established 
churches is well stated in Moral and Spiritual Values 
in the Public Schools, published in 1951 by the Educa- 


tional Policies Commission of National Education As- 
sociation, in which we read, Pages 5 and 6 : 

America was founded by a God-fearing people. 
The Constitution and Bill of Rights clearly rec- 
ognize the existence of religious ideals, while guar- 
anteeing to each person freedom to worship God 
according to the mandates of his own personal 
convictions. Rejection of a state religion or of 
state religions is not the same thing as rejection 
of religion itself. 

Furthermore, it must be understood that the First 
Amendment, like all the others, pertains only to the 
Federal Government and restrains only Congress. 
Should any state wish to allow teaching of religion in 
the schools, not even the most "tortured" construction 
of the First Amendment by the U. S. Supreme Court 
could be raised as a bar to such teaching. 

However the several states have incorporated simi- 
lar provisions in their own Constitutions, and usually 
the courts have construed them to bar teaching of 
religion in the schools. 

In some localities and in some states, reading the 
Bible in the public schools is allowed or required. In 
a Nebraska case, State v. Scheve, 65 Nebraska, 853, 
91 N. W. 846, it was held: 

The fact that the King James translation may 
be used to inculcate sectarian doctrines affords no 
presumption that it will be so used. The law does 
not forbid the use of the Bible in either version 
in the public schools, it is not proscribed either by 
the Constitution or the statutes, and the courts 
have no right to declare its use to be unlawful. 
The point where the courts may rightfully inter- 


vene ... is where a teacher employed to give 
secular instruction has violated the Constitution 
by becoming a sectarian propagandist. 

Such court decisions as the above give encourage- 
ment to those who believe that the time may come when 
public schools will offer broad religious education cov- 
ering only those religious teachings upon which all de- 
nominational groups in the community will agree. But 
it is clear that before this can be done on a state-wide 
scale, the Constitution of the state must be amended. 

As the situation now stands, school administrators 
should take notice of two "negatives" as regards court 
rulings: (1) while the courts have not ruled on the 
point, it would seem reasonable for educators to assume 
that any existing prohibitions of the teaching of reli- 
gion also should preclude the teaching of atheism or 
anti-religion, and (2) the courts never have ruled nor 
indicated that they might rule in support of a ban to 
teaching about religion; this means that no bar exists 
to explanation in the schools of the place religion has 
held in the lives of the people and its influence in shap- 
ing the histories of nations. 

The Educational Policies Commission, in the book 
just referred to, seems to support the contention that 
the schools may teach about religion, but with many 
reservations and limitations. Pages 77-79 : 

The public school can teach objectively about 
religion without advocating or teaching any re- 
ligious creed. To omit from the classroom all 
references to religion and the institution of reli- 
gion is to neglect an important part of American 
life. Knowledge about religion is essential for a 
full understanding of our culture, literature, art, 
history, and current affairs. . . . 


The current facts about the churches and their 
influence in the United States should also be 
taught at appropriate points in the social studies 
curriculum. What, for example, are the prin- 
ciple religious bodies; what are the numbers of 
their adherents ; what legal standing does religion 
have with respect to taxation, the courts, the 
Armed Forces? These are matters of obvious 
civic and social importance; by that token the 
public schools should teach about them. 

But earlier in the book, it is made clear that the 
teacher may not recognize religion as a controlling 
force in the making of decisions! Chapter III, titled 
"Sanctions," instructs the teacher on the reasons which 
may be advanced for the making of correct moral deci- 
sions. The "sanctions" named and approved, pages 
39-45, are the sense of justice; respect for or fear of 
the law; respect for property rights; integrity; group 
approval ; yielding to authority, and guidance along the 
lines of appeal to one or more of the foregoing. 

To remove all doubt as to why no "sanction" relat- 
ing to religion is included — the teacher may not tell 
the pupils that a good reason for abstaining from petty 
larceny is the fact that such action would be in viola- 
tion of one of the Ten Commandments — the "manual" 
instructs, Page 46, that: 

The powerful sanctions of religious creeds and 
doctrines have not been included in the above il- 
lustration. They may not be explicitly invoked 
in the public school classroom, but of course they 
may play a powerful role in the moral and spirit- 
ual instruction of home and church. 

What the members of the Educational Policies Com- 


mission really have in mind when they talk about "moral 
and spiritual values" is made clearer in a recorded 
address by Dr. William G. Carr, associate secretary of 
National Education Association. This address is one 
of a group prepared for presentation during Ameri- 
can Education Week; the title is the same as that of 
the book from which we have been quoting. 

Ten "values of American life which all good schools 
can teach" are named by Dr. Carr in his address. They 
are, respect for the individual; moral responsibility; 
recognition that our institutions are our servants ; com- 
mon consent; respect for truth; respect for excellence; 
moral equality; brotherhood; opportunity to pursue 
happiness, and spiritual enrichment. Summing up, Dr. 
Carr says: 

Such values arise from many sources ; — from 
the creative expressions of human spirit, from 
masterpieces of art and architecture, from great 
religious pageantry, from the memory of heroic 
men and women who have nobly served humanity, 
from contemplation of the stars or of a blade of 
grass, from simple ceremonies of thankfulness or 
of grief, from the smile of a well-loved compan- 
ion, from poetry and music. 

Readers who believe that religion holds the ultimate 
in values and provides the most valid sanctions will 
find small comfort in Dr. Carr's words. Religion is 
mentioned only in connection with suggested observa- 
tion of "great religious pageantry," something which 
is obnoxious to large sections of the Protestant world. 

And from the attitude of many officially appointed 
spokesmen for National Education Association toward 
things religious, one might suspect that they do indeed 
appreciate the power of sanctions based in religion, 


and realize that the shaping of men's thinking under 
compulsion of these sanctions is not in the general di- 
rection of collectivism. 

Indications of definite desire to materialize and pa- 
ganize the education of youth are to be found in many 
of the writings of the NEA spokesmen. Turning to 
Page 30 of Education for Family Life, Nineteenth 
Yearbook of the American Association of School 
Administrators, 1941, we read: 

We must . . . remember that socialized con- 
duct, for example what we call private property 
and the sanctity of the person, is not natural bio- 
logical behavior. It is, rather, learned patterns 
of conduct, of respecting the inviolability of things 
and persons, approachable only thru the group- 
sanctioned institutional patterns of contract, bar- 
ter, buying and selling, courtship and marriage, 
employment, and the like. 

Christian parents will repudiate this philosophy 
when they become aware that it is being taught to their 
children. Christians understand that the basis of our 
laws, yes, the basis of our American culture, lies in the 
Ten Commandments. Calling our culture a set of 
"group-sanctioned, institutional patterns'' does not 
alter that fact. 

Origin of the "group sanctioned" concepts of in- 
violability of persons does not lie in "patterns" de- 
signed by men, but in Commandments Five to Ten, in- 
clusive. Briefly stated, they are: (Five) "Honor thy 
father and thy mother"; (Six) "Thou shalt not kill"; 
(Seven) "Thou shalt not commit adultery"; (Eight) 
"Thou shalt not steal"; (Nine) "Thou shalt not bear 
false witness against thy neighbor," and (10) "Thou 
shalt not covet anything that is thy neighbor's." 


Commandments Five, Six and Nine clearly bear 
upon the importance and dignity of the individual; 
Commandment Seven lays the basis for the institutions 
of marriage and the family, and Commandments Eight 
and Ten give divine sanction to the concept that no 
human rights are more important than the right of 
property ownership. In the Communist-Socialist 
Utopia, where all property is held in common, nobody 
could steal anything; and since every citizen would 
have everything he needs, how could anyone covet any- 
thing which his neighbor happened to have in his pos- 
session, though not owning it? 

The family was instituted as a social unit by divine 
command. This view has been rejected by all collec- 
tivists since Plato wrote The Republic; the family is 
anathema to them; they rail at it, seek to belittle it, 
propose many sorts of communal arrangements as a 
substitute for it on the plea that they would be more 
"economic." Actually, of course, the collectivist ani- 
mus stems from the fact that the family is the foe of 
all forms of collectivism. 

Sentiments similar — almost exactly parallel — to 
those expressed by authors of the Yearbook last 
quoted, are to be found in the chapter "Anthropology 
and World History," of Improving the Teaching of 
World History, Twentieth Yearbook of The National 
Council for the Social Studies, 1949. The chapter on 
anthropology was written by M. F. Ashley Montagu, 
chairman of the Department of Anthropology at Rut- 
gers University, and the Yearbook was edited by Edith 
West, a director of the Council and head of the De- 
partment of Social Studies, University of Minnesota 
High School, Minneapolis, Minn. Quoting: 

It should be remembered that so far as human 


behavior is concerned, the one thing natural to 
man is to be artificial — artificial in the sense that 
man's behavior is made up of learned, acquired 
abstractions and motor activities calculated to 
make him more comfortable in the world in which 
he finds himself. Human nature, in short, is what 
man makes of man or perhaps more accurately, 
what he makes of the children. 

Religionists will not reject completely the concept 
that men have influence in shaping the lives, even the 
characters, of other men; Christians do believe in 
Christian education and Christian training in the home. 
But Christians, and all other religionists, must reject 
the claim that Christian or other religious behavior, or 
any human behavior, is completely artificial. 

Preliminary to further discussion of this point, we 
move into the highest echelons of the teaching profes- 
sion for the final example of National Education Asso- 
ciation exploits in materializing and paganizing the 
education of American youth. 

Harry Elmer Barnes wrote the chapter, "Modern 
Social Development," of the book last quoted, Improv- 
ing the Teaching of World History. It is not strange 
that Dr. Barnes was chosen to write this chapter, for 
he is the favorite historian of the ultra-moderns of 
the educational field; presumably this is because he dis- 
cards as outworn all the old patterns by which our 
forefathers, and his, struggled, sometimes died, in their 
quest for liberty. He is a true "liberal," a ranking 
prince of the intelligentsia. 

Nearly half a column of Who 's Who in America is 
required to list the names of the books Dr. Barnes has 
written and the colleges at which he has taught and 
lectured. It appears that he has specialized in teach- 
ing and lecturing at summer school sessions of the uni- 


versities. These summer sessions are freely patronized 
by teachers seeking advanced degrees and unable to go 
to the "fountain head" of materialist teaching, Colum- 
bia University's Teachers College. 

But all is not lost for the poorly financed teachers 
who cannot travel to Columbia University for summer 
study; at these summer sessions Dr. Barnes brings 
them the authentic, simon pure Teachers' College view- 
point, a la John Dewey and William H. Kilpatrick. 
In the above-mentioned chapter of the Yearbook Dr. 
Barnes wrote: 

The rise of the middle class in number, power 
and prestige was the outstanding social transfor- 
mation of early modern history. The middle 
class not only increased in size, but also became 
more diversified. The new aspects of commerce 
and industry led to a more highly developed spe- 
cialization of labor among the business and pro- 
fessional classes. 

The materialistic theology of Protestantism 
provided a religious sanction for the practices and 
increasing prestige of the bourgeoisie. 

The Industrial Revolution and the complex civ- 
ilization which it has produced have rendered 
necessary a vast increase in state intervention and 
have extended control over an ever-larger num- 
ber of social activities. 

Some will not agree with Dr. Barnes' choice of the 
"outstanding social transformation," but the point will 
not be discussed here; and the habit of the intelligent- 
sia to accept the Marxian class struggle theories has 
been sufficiently dealt with elsewhere in this book. 

Nor will the present writer quarrel with Dr. Barnes 
on the subject matter of the second quoted paragraph 


insofar as it offers the assumption that free enterprise 
and Protestantism have proven compatible. But this 
compatibility is not the result of any materialism in 
Protestantism, and this writer is affronted, and sorely, 
to be told by such a crass materialist as Dr. Barnes that 
Protestantism is a materialistic philosophy or theology. 

The truth, of course, is that Christianity is the most 
spiritual and least materialistic of all religions, and 
that Protestantism, based so largely in the doctrine of 
justification by faith, is the most spiritual and least 
materialistic "phase" or branch of Christianity. 

In this humble writer's opinion, it is nothing short 
of scandalous that such a materialist as Dr. Barnes 
should be advanced as an instructor of teachers, and 
in that capacity he should be allowed to use the pres- 
tige of National Education Association to besmirch 
Protestantism, and, inferentially all Christian faiths, 
because, if Protestantism is materialistic, all other 
Christian sects must be at least tinged with materialism. 

To make clear Dr. Barnes' position ast a materialist, 
the fact is cited that Twilight of Christianity, Vanguard 
Press, 1929, is one of Dr. Barnes' better-known books, 
and in the Preface (Page v) he states his position 
plainly as "cordial to any type of secular religion de- 
voted to the cause of making life here on earth more 
pleasant and worth-while" and as opposed to "all ves- 
tiges of the old supernaturalism." 

On Page 85 of this book Dr. Barnes takes his posi- 
tion "flatly" as favoring legalized abortion; on the 
following page he blames Christianity for the preva- 
lence of venereal disease ! He argues that if religion- 
ists would quit trying to frighten people and "prepare 
them to indulge decently and safely," then "progress 
of preventive medicine" would solve the problem. 

But the opus of which Dr. Barnes is particularly 


proud is the massive two-volume work, The History 
of Western Civilization, Harcourt, Brace & Company, 
Inc., 1935. On Page 1103 of Volume II, in the chap- 
ter titled "Cultural Lag and the Human Outlook," is 
found this "illuminating" passage : 

We have been especially reluctant to bring the 
control of sex and the family into harmony with 
contemporary scientific and esthetic considerations. 
Our sex mores and family institutions embody: 
( 1 ) A primitive reaction to the mystery of sex 
and of women in particular; (2) Hebraic uxori- 
ousness and conceptions of patriarchal male dom- 
ination; (3) patristic and medieval views regard- 
ing the baseness of sex and sex temptation, espe- 
cially as offered by women; (4) the medieval es- 
teem for virginity in women; (5) the sacramental 
view of marriage, which leads us to regard mar- 
riage as a theological rather than a social issue; 
(6) the property views of the early bourgeoisie; 
and (7) the Kantian rationalization of personal 
inadequacy and inexperience. There is hardly a 
single item in the sex mores of a conventionally 
respectable American today that squares with 
either science or esthetics. 

It is not the intention here to present Dr. Barnes as 
a "low person." Presumably he is a man of high 
moral standards, and in view of his position, it is al- 
most certain that he conducts his own personal life in 
a manner parallel to that of the "conventionally re- 
sponsible American" at whom he scoffs. Also it is 
highly probable that if some rake were to talk to his 
wife or daughter in the manner he writes for teachers 
and college students, Dr. Barnes would react rather 
violently. But if his innermost thinking as expressed 
in his writings are not to the liking of those responsible 


for the policies of National Education Association, 
why do they put him forward as an instructor of 

Now T to consideration of the third paragraph of the 
quotation from the Barnes chapter in the Yearbook. 
In this paragraph Dr. Barnes tells all his readers — 
some of them gullible enough to believe — that the 
Industrial Revolution and its result (a complex situa- 
tion) have made it necessary for the state to inter- 
vene in social relationships and extend control over a 
wide variety of social activities. 

This declaration merely restates, in easier-to-under- 
stand words, the Marxian theory of the materialist 
conception of history, also called economic determin- 
ism. Frederick Engels, Marx's collaborator in writ- 
ing the Communist Manifesto, stated their joint theory 
this way in Anti-Duhring: 

The ultimate causes of all social changes and 
political revolutions are to be sought, not in the 
heads of men, not in their better insight into 
eternal truth and justice, but in the changes in 
the methods of production and exchange; they are 
to be sought not in the philosophy, but in the eco- 
nomics of the particular epoch. 

According to this Marx-Engel-Barnes reasoning, 
man created a juggernaut which is sweeping civiliza- 
tion relentlessly into a collectivist society, already fore- 
shadowed by increasing state intervention and extended 
control over an ever-growing number of social activities. 

All of this is a particularly nauseous brand of hog- 
wash. In our complex civilization a great many things 
happen, and when a goodly number of similar events 
take place at the same time or in similar places, we are 


likely to term the combined happenings a "social 

All these "social trends" are the results of the acts 
of men; machines have no part in developing or shap- 
ing "social trends," nor are there in the world any 
mechanistic, relentless "social forces" with power to 
thrust men back into the dark ages of subservience to 
the state. If men do ultimately surrender themselves 
and their destinies to the tender mercies of the all- 
powerful state, it will be because they lack the courage 
and the stamina to check and reverse the "social 
trends" which are their own creation. 

Man was created to be free, which means that he 
was given the ability to discriminate between the beau- 
tiful and the ugly, the difficult and the easy, and be- 
tween good and evil. Not only may the free man dis- 
criminate — he may choose, make his choice as to which 
he will accept and cherish, which he will reject and 

Exercising this God-given right of choice, men dis- 
carded the old, back-breaking methods of production 
by muscle power and hand dexterity; they developed 
machines which took over the worst of the drudgery. 

Thus was created the "industrial revolution," with 
division of labor and production of goods and services 
of quality and in quantity which had not been dreamed 
of prior to the realization. 

The machines do no thinking, no choosing between 
possible alternatives; neither do the goods produced 
by use of the machines. Only men make decisions; 
only men act on the decisions they make. What hap- 
pens in our social-economic life is no more and no less 
than the "grand summation" of all the actions of men 
based upon the decisions which they, as individuals, 
have made. 


Men are not perfect; all too often they make wrong 
decisions. Many of the decisions made in the past 
were not wise ; men are prone to choose the easy way 
in preference to the hard way, the ugly rather than 
the beautiful, the evil rather than the good. 

But nothing is written in the stars, any more than 
it is made certain by "economic determinism," that al- 
ways a majority of men must go on choosing those 
courses of action which are in the direction of surren- 
dering human liberty. 

It is possible, if not too probable, that from some 
source or other — perhaps from the teachings of the 
Man of Galilee — men who previously have acted upon 
decisions to take the easy way, may gain the inspira- 
tion, the will and the courage to make decisions which 
will be in the direction of recapturing and retaining 
human liberties by and for themselves. 

Should any great number of men make such deci- 
sions and act upon them, the present "social trends" 
would go into reverse and move again in the direction 
in which they were moving when the Founders wrote 
the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. 

Insofar as teachers listen to and follow leaders who 
have accepted the Marxian theory of a mechanistic 
social system and thereby deny the possibility that men 
can be free if they will to be free, the schools in their 
charge are unworthy of the confidence of parents who 
naturally assume that schools in America are function- 
ing as American schools. 




Eagerness to indoctrinate the youth of the land with 
the ideology of all-powerful world government is evi- 
dent in writings of leaders and spokesmen for Na- 
tional Education Association bearing on many subjects, 
and teachers are urged to offer this propaganda in con- 
nection with consideration of all types of instruction. 
For example, in Citizens for a New World, Fourteenth 
Yearbook of The National Council for the Social 
Studies, 1943, teachers are instructed, Pages 167-8, 

International Relations is a subject to be taught 
all through the curriculum, in all fields of subject 
matter, and at all levels — elementary, secondary 
and college. Though the principal emphasis can 
and should be placed in the social studies field, 
incidental reference may be made in other fields 
of study. 
Suggestions for ."such correlations of the topic" give 
hints as to how the subject can be introduced into Eng- 
lish classes, speech classes, science classes and art 

The internationalists who are in control of National 
Education Association policies disdain to conceal their 
aims. It is no loose federation of states which they 
advocate; no wishy-washy League of Nations would be 


acceptable, nor do they care for the present United 
Nations with its actions hampered by veto powers. The 
demand for super-government for the world, with the 
"logic" often used for presentation, is stated briefly 
but convincingly on Pages 22-23 of Citizens for a 
New World: 

No state can be expected to disarm and give up 
its right to make war so long as war is the only 
means provided by which that state can protect 
itself or secure justice for itself. Until a substi- 
tute for war is provided which can give reasonable 
assurance to a state that its interest will be pro- 
tected and that justice will be done for it, war can 
never be brought under control. Consequently, 
the community of nations must provide not only 
an international police force, such as people now 
demand; it must also provide means by which dis- 
putes can be fairly settled and by which an unjust 
situation can be changed. This means a complete 
international government with judicial and legis- 
lative agencies as well as the physical power to 
enforce decisions. It would not be just to demand 
that a state should give up the right to use force 
if this use of force is the only means by which it 
can protect itself. 

The Yearbook from w T hich the foregoing quotation 
was made was "planned and published with the co-op- 
eration and support" of the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace and the Commission to Study the 
Organization of Peace, of which James T. Shotwell 
was chairman, Clark M. Eichelberger, director, and 
William Allen Neilson, chairman of the executive com- 
mittee. The book was edited by Erling M. Hunt, of 
Columbia University, and editor of Social Education. 

Claims that the world-government-minded teachers, 


curriculum directors and textbook writers are making 
steady progress in their efforts at indoctrination are 
found on Page 51-52 of the seventeenth Yearbook of 
the Council (for Social Studies) which was published 
under the title, The Study and Teaching of American 
History : 

A new emphasis on international affairs and 
America's place in the world has come into Ameri- 
can history courses since the First World War. 
While all three levels of American history instruc- 
tion have been affected, the emphasis appears to 
be stronger at the Senior-high-school level than at 
either of the preceding cycles. In one widely used 
senior-high-school text, over one-third of the 
pages classified as political history dealt with 
American foreign relations. Each of the four- 
teen senior-high-school courses analyzed in the 
Bruner survey included a treatment of "The 
United States as a World Power," and all but one 
of the courses gave some attention to "interna- 
tional and peace relations." 

So eager are these pedagogical proponents of world 
super-government to press their propaganda that they 
resort to statements which are inadequately described 
when called absurdities, and advocate "sidetracking" 
Constitutional provisions as the most likely method of 
bringing about surrender of America's sovereignty. 

For an example of gross absurdity, we turn again to 
the Fourteenth Yearbook of the Social Studies Council, 
where we read, pages 57-58: 

In international affairs the hitherto sovereign 
states have claimed to be the judges in their own 
cause. This is denial of the rule of law; sover- 
eignty means the refusal to be bound by law, and 


is, therefore, a doctrine of anarchy. If nations 
remain sovereign, international law exists on the 
frailest of foundations and in only relatively 
minor matters. If we are to bring orderly rela- 
tions and the necessary routing out of the great 
mass of interdependence outlined above, we must 
have internationally enforceable law. 

In America, as is shown in greater detail elsewhere 
in this little book, sovereignty rests with the people, 
belongs to them. For the purpose of bringing about 
orderly government, limited sovereignty has been 
yielded by the people to the state and federal govern- 
ment. And this is anarchy, according to our textbook 
writers and curriculum directors ! No world super- 
government, custodian of all sovereignty, exists except 
in the minds of its proponents, but in their hesitance 
to yield sovereignty to a non-existent world govern- 
ment, Americans are guilty of rejecting all sovereignty, 
if we were to accept as valid the "vaporings" of this 
over-eager proponent of world dictatorship. 

Equally extravagant statements are made in con- 
nection with presentation of the claim that the treaty- 
making provisions of our Constitution were a mistake 
at the outset, and that only by nullifying these provi- 
sions can America hope to be saved — salvation consist- 
ing of surrendering all sovereignty to world govern- 
ment. The Yearbook authors tell us, Pages 104—105 : 

The constitutional requirement that one-third 
of the Senate may block any treaty was a mistake 
on the day it was made. The treaty clause never 
worked once as it was intended — with the Presi- 
dent and twenty-six Senators sitting as an intimate 
executive council. Constitutions have been made 
by the dozen, all over the world, since 1789, but 


no other country has ever copied our treaty veto. 
We remain the only country in which one sixteenth 
of the national legislature can block the conduct 
of the nation's foreign relations. . . . 

Yet it is intolerable that the anachronism of the 
treaty veto shall leave us helpless to take our full 
part in organizing against a Third World War. 
The str angle-hold of a constantly recruited "bat- 
talion of death" upon our foreign affairs must be 

Fortunately, several different ways are open to 
us: (1) a constitutional amendment; (2) an ad- 
vance pledge by two-thirds of the Senate to sup- 
port strong effective organization of the peace; 
(3) the approval of our international agreements 
by joint resolution of Congress; and (4) the con- 
duct of our foreign affairs through executive 
agreements alone, supported by such enabling leg- 
islation as the Congress is willing to enact. . . . 

The third method of avoiding the narrow Sen- 
ate bottleneck, use of joint resolutions, is appar- 
ently the one which is to be used. A Washing- 
ton dispatch of August 18, 1943, to the New 
York Times states that a majority of the Repub- 
lican Senators have agreed with the State Depart- 
ment that this method shall be employed. . . . 

This device would avoid the use of the word 
treaties and leave the Senate's treaty-making func- 
tion to expire quietly or be used only to dispose 
of the many non-controversial treaties which nor- 
mally go through the Senate with dispatch. It 
leaves the possibility of court suits, but this is a 
minor danger as compared to the frustrations of 
another Treaty of Versailles debate in the Senate. 

If we could believe this declaration — including "the 
treaty clause never worked once as it was intended" — 
the United States never has had a treaty with any other 


nation! Readers need not be too discerning to be able 
to discover other equally absurd and extravagant state- 
ments in these and other writings from official Na- 
tional Education Association sources. 

Nor need there be anxiety lest all this propaganda 
for world government is being carried on without ap- 
proval of the rank and file of National Education 
Association departments whose officers are responsible 
for preparation and publication of the yearbooks and 
other printed materials of the departments from which 
quotations are made in this little book. 

At its annual meeting in November, 1948, The Na- 
tional Council for the Social Studies declared by reso- 
lution: "Conscious of our obligations as citizens, as 
students of contemporary problems and events, we the 
members of The National Council for The Social 
Studies, resolve that . . . the Council favors the con- 
tinued support of the United Nations and Unesco, and 
the furthering at the classroom level of the ideals of 
these organizations." This action was recalled and 
re-emphasized in Social Education for January, 1949, 
Page 6; the publication is the official organ of the 
Council and published in collaboration with the Ameri- 
can Historical Association. 

Explanation of how the teachers of social studies 
can implement their intention of furthering the ideals 
of world government at the classroom level is not hard 
to find. 

Earlier in the year (1948) NEA had published 
Education for International Understanding in Ameri- 
can Schools, a book of "suggestions and recommenda- 
tions, " which, according to the "Foreword," is a u book 
for people who want to do something practical for 
peace and human progress." The book is "authored" 
by The Committee on International Relations of NEA, 


the Association for Supervision and Curriculum Devel- 
opment, and The National Council for the Social 

Warren Robinson Austin, United States Representa- 
tive at the Seat of the United Nations, wrote the "Fore- 
word," and begins "pointing up" methods to be used 
in this revealing paragraph: 

Through educational process we must develop 
a. habit of individual thinking about international 
affairs which will cultivate a sense of public re- 
sponsibility for the success of the United Nations. 

Chapter One, "The Challenge," advances a step fur- 
ther in the final paragraph, Page 10: 

This report summons the teaching profession 
of the United States to unite in planning and exe- 
cuting an educational program for a peaceful 

In Chapter Three, u The Marks of a World-Minded 
American," the reader "stumbles upon" a subhead 
reading, "The world-minded American believes that 
education can become a powerful force for achieving 
international understanding and world peace." The 
same thought is reported in even plainer language on 
the following page (34), where it is stated that: 

Education for international understanding in- 
volves the use of education as a force for condi- 
tioning the will of the people. 

Even before proceeding beyond this point, the re- 
action of many readers has been that a totalitarian 
concept has been offered in the suggestion of a "force" 


used for "conditioning the will." We can be sure this 
was no "slip of the pen." The writers surely did not 
intend to convey the idea of "suggestion" or other 
milder term, as the word "force" is used repeatedly, 
and a strong hint of the methods these writers are 
ready to use appears in the paragraph on Page 35 
which reads: 

The power of education as a force for world 
peace can be immense if we carefully define our 
values and seek to realize them through the tech- 
niques we can employ. The power of "education" 
for war, expressed in terms of inculcating values, 
can be seen tangibly in the success of Nazi Ger- 
many in establishing the ideas of racism and 
world destiny in the working consciousness of 
German youth. The world-minded American, 
therefore, has good reason to believe that educa- 
tion can serve world peace because he believes 
that world peace has validity as an idea to be 
striven for. 

If the authors have not now made it plain enough 
that it is not "education" but indoctrination which they 
propose to use in their program, and that they are will- 
ing to use it firmly, relentlessly, even ruthlessly, per- 
haps the following quotation, from Page 85, should be 
convincing : 

The success of any program of education for 
international understanding is measured by the 
extent to which students acquire such attitudes 
and knowledge, and exercise such abilities in 
thinking as are requisite to the possession of the 
marks of a world-minded American. The task of 
attaining a modification in such a wide range of 
behavior is far greater than that of gaining in- 


tellectual understanding alone. For this reason, 
the school program must include experiences de- 
signed to tap all the sources that go into produc- 
ing the desired behavior characteristic of the 
world-minded American. Actual change in be- 
havior is the goal, and any modification in behav- 
ior entails changes in attitudes. 

For easy "translation" of the foregoing paragraph, 
and disclosure of what is meant by the expression 4 'ex- 
periences designed to tap all the sources that go into 
producing the desired behavior characteristic, " we have 
but to read the caption over the paragraph as it ap- 
pears in the book, and reading: 

Providing for Emotional and Intellectual As- 
sumption of the Responsibilities of the World- 
Minded American. 

As printed in the book, the entire quotation just 
above is in italics; here only the word u emotional n is 
italicized, for emphasis. The appeal to the emotions, 
and the use of the emotions, is inherent in the tech- 
nique of indoctrination, and the fact, not overlooked 
by the writers, is important also to the readers of this 
book written u for people who want to do something 
practical for peace and human progress." 

Some readers of this chapter, particularly if they 
were impressed by the claims of proponents of the 
United Nations and not too disappointed by results to 
date, may ask what all the foregoing has to do with 
the subject of this book, which is the contributions of 
National Education Association to the cause of col- 

It is true that, by dictionary definition, collectivism 
is the same as Socialism, and the connection between 


the Communist-Socialist movement and the drive for 
world government may not be immediately apparent 
to casual observers. But only a small amount of in- 
vestigation is required to disclose the connection. 

Even did no such connection exist — even if all the 
claims made for world government were bona fide — it 
would have been well worth while to examine the at- 
titude of NEA leaders toward United Nations and 
more grandiose plans for world government; if the 
leaders of the nation's greatest professional organiza- 
tion are willing to use extravagances and absurdities 
in promotion of collectivism in international affairs, it 
is not surprising if they do the same things in promo- 
tion of collectivism in the domestic scene. 

In the broad view, if all the sovereignty of the na- 
tions of the world, or even some part of the sover- 
eignty of the various nations, were lodged in one world 
government, certainly this would be a form of collec- 
tivism on a world scale. 

But it is not alone upon such a generalized statement 
as the foregoing that we must rely to show a connec- 
tion between the drive for collectivism in domestic af- 
fairs and the programs of the promoters of world 
super-government. From the outset there have been 
warnings of the dangers to America, and to civiliza- 
tion, of this connection between domestic and interna- 
tional collectivism. 

In July, 1948, issue of Public Service Magazine, ap- 
peared an article by this present writer, under the too- 
long but expressive title, "Collectivists Plot Use of 
United Nations in Scheme for World-Wide Commu- 
nism." The article showed that Communists, Socialists, 
and other proponents of collectivism, some of the lat- 
ter unaware of what their activities really entailed, 
were seeking to bring about a situation through the 


United Nations which they had failed to attain by 
Constitutional means. 

Having failed to secure passage of the Murray- 
Kilgore Bill (S-380) which was before Congress in 
1945, and which had sought to secure for Americans 
the "benefits" of the unlimited social security schemes 
of the Britisher, Sir William Beveridge, American col- 
lectivists turned their efforts to securing the same ends 
through an International Declaration of Human Rights. 

Such a Declaration was prepared by a Committee 
on Human Rights of the Commission to Study the 
Organization of Peace for submission to the United 
Nations. Of the 74 members of the Committee, 43, 
or five more than a majority, are listed in Appendix IX 
of the House of Representatives Special Committee on 
Un-American Activities as having from one to forty 
affiliations each with Communist-Front organizations. 

This majority of collectivist-minded members of the 
Committee surely had "their day" in drafting the pre- 
liminary Declaration or Bill of Human Rights, since, 
under the Bill of Rights, as drafted, the right to pursue 
happiness became the right to enjoy all the blessings of 
comfortable, even luxurious life, and the protected 
right of all Americans to seek employment became the 
right to have a well-paid job at the expense of the pub- 
lic treasury, if and when it appears that no jobs in pri- 
vate employment are available at the moment. 

It was pointed out in the article that under the Con- 
stitution, treaties of our nation are part of our basic 
laws (second paragraph of Article IV) and that were 
such a Bill of Human Rights adopted by the United 
Nations and ratified by the United States Senate, the 
Bill of Rights would be a treaty, and as such, supplant 
any statutes or even Constitutional provisions in con- 
flict with that Bill of Rights. 


In support of this writer's position, the Supreme 
Court decision in Missouri v. Holland in 1920 was 
cited. In this decision the Court ruled that Congress 
may enact statutes to carry out treaty obligations, even 
where, in the absence of such a treaty, the Congress 
has no Constitutional authority to enact such a statute. 

Some months later, two special committees of the 
American Bar Association sounded this same warning, 
but without effect. The United Nations did adopt a 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights on December 
10, 1948, and by Senate action, it was given American 

"Came the deluge." The California Appelate 
Court set aside land laws of the state on the ground 
that they were in conflict with the Universal Declara- 
tion of Human Rights ! Of course, the Supreme Court 
of the state, and perhaps also the United States Su- 
preme Court, must pass upon the Appellate Court's 
decision, but it is all too clear that the warnings sounded 
in advance were not mere figments of imagination. 

In other ways, too, even the timid approaches to 
world super-government made through the United 
Nations constitute grave danger to the liberties of 
Americans. Following are Paragraphs 2 and 3 of 
Article XXIX of the Universal Declaration as they 
appear on Page 267 of The American Citizens Hand- 
book, 1951 edition, a publication of National Educa- 
tion Association: 

2. In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, 
everyone shall be subject only to such limitations 
as are determined by law solely for the purpose 
of securing due recognition and respect for the 
rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the 
just requirements of morality, public order and 
the general welfare in a democratic society. 


3. These rights and freedoms may in no case 
be exercised contrary to the purposes and princi- 
ples of the United Nations. 

Yes, National Education Association publishes the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but gives no 
sign of recognition of what it all means, no indication 
of awareness of the thinly disguised traps in the two 
paragraphs quoted above. 

Does Paragraph 2 read like the Bill of Rights which 
is incorporated in our American Constitution? After 
the rights of Freedom of Religion, Speech, Press, As- 
sembly and Petition are declared in Amendment I, and 
guaranteed by denying to Congress the right to make 
any law restricting or limiting them, does the Amend- 
ment continue with a declaration that these rights 
"shall be subject only to such limitations as are deter- 
mined by law?" Certainly not. 

And since the Universal Declaration does so con- 
tinue, it is a self-disclosed, self-confessed fraud. Just 
as principle cannot be compromised, so liberty cannot 
be divided or limited. When liberty is subject to the 
will or whim of some un-named legislative body, not 
yet created, but dreamed of by proponents of world 
super-government, it is liberty no longer, but merely a 
temporary grant or permission. 

International law, as it is visioned by these dream- 
ers, is law passed by a world legislature and enforced 
by a world executive with an international army at his 
command. With six per cent of the world population, 
will America elect that world legislature or that world 
executive with an international army to do his bidding? 

Looking now at Paragraph 3, quoted above, we find 
another frankly expressed limitation. And this limita- 
tion is without limitation! For when Paragraph 3 de- 


clares that "these rights and freedoms may in no case 
be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of 
the United Nations," it stops right there: it does not 
say who is to be judge of what rights and freedoms 
might conceivably be in conflict with the purposes and 
principles of the United Nations, nor does it even inti- 
mate that there might be a limit to these "purposes and 
principles" as they might be expanded by some future 
legislative body chosen by a world in which America 
has but six per cent of the population. 

Certainly Chapter XIV of the United Nations Char- 
ter, which sets up the International Court of Justice, 
offers nothing which appears to be a guarantee that 
the Court actually will be a Court of Justice. And 
even if some such guarantee were expressed or implied, 
the guarantee would be worthless because the court is 
not the sole and exclusive arbiter of disputes between 
nations, even though all the nations involved in or 
party to the dispute or difference are members of the 
United Nations. 

Article 95 of Chapter XIV provides that "Nothing 
in the present Charter shall prevent Members of the 
United Nations from entrusting the solution of their 
differences to other tribunals by virtue of agreements 
already in existence or which may be concluded in the 
future." (Italics added.) 

Thus it is clear that if a nation did not get the judg- 
ment it desired from the International Court of Jus- 
tice, or feared that it might not, the case could be 
taken to some other court. 

Americans need not, in fact should not, base their 
opposition to world super-government, or even to the 
present United Nations, on the ground that in such a 
world government America would be impoverished if 
not actually ravaged in the end. 


Rather, opposition should be based upon the fact 
that America nurtures and is the sole custodian of an 
infinitely precious thing, the concept of liberty based 
upon the premise that man was created to be free. This 
concept is accepted by no other nation, no other people 
in the world. Some may approach the concept, but 
none give full and complete acceptance to it; in every 
other nation the people cling to the old and outworn 
fetish that the state is an entity with power to grant 
liberties to its subjects. 

America cannot share this concept with the world 
through such an agency as the United Nations, a world 
super-government, or any other type of agency or 

America can remain the hope of the world for uni- 
versal liberty only if she stands firm upon the basic 
concepts of American government, and invites other 
nations to follow her example and make freedom an 
actuality rather than something to be desired but hardly 
to be attained. 

National Education Association has shown all too 
clearly that it understands none of this philosophy of 
American liberty. Until it does begin to understand 
what American liberty really means, it is unworthy of 
the confidence of American lovers of liberty. 




Published writings of authorized spokesmen for The 
National Education Association make it clear that 
NEA is just as firmly committed to the principles of 
progressive education as is the Progressive Education 

John Dewey's statement "My Pedagogic Creed," is 
published in Personal Growth Leaflet No. 19; a copy 
of the seventh printing of this leaflet gives the total 
number of copies, printed as 466,500. 

Joy Elmer Morgan, editor of The Journal of the 
National Education Association, wrote the preface for 
this little NEA publication. He wrote in part : 

The great moments in history are not the ones 
the historians usually set down. Rather they are 
the moments when ideas are born and grow into 
ideals or inventions. The birth of an idea such 
as the brotherhood of man or the Golden Rule is 
more important than the rise and fall of the Ro- 
man Empire. . . . Particularly significant in the 
advance of democratic institutions are those times 
when ideas come to be stated in terms that the 
multitude can grasp. It was this service that Hor- 
ace Mann performed for the free public school, 
and Lincoln for the Civil War. We have forgot- 
ten most of the details of the Civil War, but the 
Gettysburg Address lives on and will live so long 


as men cherish the ideal of government of the 
people, by the people, and for the people. 

And so we have John Dewey profoundly to 
thank for drafting the emancipation proclama- 
tion of childhood, in a philosophy which demands 
that children shall live and learn happily and well 
according to their needs and interests today as 
the best preparation for worthy lives tomorrow. 
"My Pedagogic Creed," first published in 1897, 
is as important for the pedagogical revolution 
now taking place in America as Paine's "Common 
Sense" was for the political revolution of 1776. 
The professional bible of every teacher may well 
include this compact statement which seems al- 
most inspired in its simplicity. 

Simplicity of expression is a most worthy goal to- 
ward which all too few writers strive; and of those 
who strive, not too many attain the desired end. Per- 
haps Dr. Dewey's progress toward that end could be 
best illustrated from some of his preliminary para- 
graphs, but to save both time and space, we will plunge 
directly into his discussion of what the school is. 

I believe that the school is primarily a social 
institution. Education being a social process, the 
school is simply that form of community life in 
which all those agencies are concentrated that will 
be most effective in bringing the child to share in 
the inherited resources of the race, and to use his 
own powers for social ends. . . . 

The school, as an institution, should simplify 
existing social life; should reduce it, as it were, 
to an embryonic form. Existing life is so com- 
plex that the child cannot be brought into contact 
with it without either confusion or distraction; he 


is either overwhelmed by the multiplicity of activi- 
ties which are going on, so that he loses his own 
power of orderly reaction, or he is so stimulated 
by these various activities that his powers are pre- 
maturely called into play and he becomes either 
unduly specialized or else disintegrated. . . . 

Much of present education fails because it neg- 
lects this fundamental principle of the school as 
a form of community life. It conceives the school 
as a place where certain information is to be 
given, where certain lessons are to be learned, or 
where certain habits are to be formed. The value 
of these is conceived as lying largely in the re- 
mote future; the child must do these things for 
the sake of something else he is to do; they are 
mere preparations. As a result they do not be- 
come a part of the life experience of the child and 
so are not truly educative. 

Now that we know what Dr. Dewey's conception of 
the school is, and can appreciate how lacking of true 
education persons of the older generations really are, 
we can proceed to examination of the good doctor's 
view as to the place of the teacher in the school. 
Quoting : 

The teacher is not in the school to impose cer- 
tain ideas or to form certain habits in the child, 
but is there as a member of the community to 
select the influences which shall affect the child and 
to assist him in properly responding to these in- 

The discipline of the school should proceed 
from the life of the school as a whole and not 
directly from the teacher. 

The teacher's business is simply to determine, 
on the basis of larger experience and riper wis- 


dom, how the discipline of life shall come to the 

All questions of the grading of the child and 
his promotion should be determined by reference 
to the same standard. Examinations are of use 
only so far as they test the child's fitness for social 
life and reveal the place in which he can be of the 
most service and where he can receive the most 

Persons of the older generation ma y wonder how 
they have gotten along as well as they have in view of 
the fact that their teachers fell so far short in so many 
regards, as per the Dewey viewpoint. But perhaps 
they can take some comfort from the fact that al- 
though the Dewey philosophy has been favored by top- 
notch educators and "injected" into the school systems 
of the nation as completely as possible for more than 
a half-century, by no means all the nation's schools 
have adopted the Dewey brand of progressive educa- 
tion. We proceed now to the Dewey statement rela- 
tive to the subject matter of education. Quoting: 

I believe that the social life of the child is the 
basis of concentration, or correlation, in all his 
training or growth. The social life gives the un- 
conscious unity and the background of all his ef- 
forts and of all his attainments. 

The subject matter of the school curriculum 
should mark a gradual differentiation out of the 
primitive unconscious unity of social life. 

We violate the child's nature and render diffi- 
cult the best ethical results by introducing the 
child too abruptly to a number of special studies, 
of reading, writing, geography, etc., out of rela- 
tion to this social life. 

The true center of correlation on the school 


subject is not science, nor literature, nor history, 
nor geography, but the child's own social activi- 

Education cannot be unified in the study of sci- 
ence, or so-called nature study, because apart 
from human activity, nature itself is not a unity; 
nature in itself is a number of diverse objects in 
space and time, and to attempt to make it the cen- 
ter of work by itself is to introduce a principle of 
radiation rather than one of concentration. 

Literature is the reflex expression and interpre- 
tation of social experience ; that hence it must fol- 
low upon and not precede such experience. It, 
therefore, cannot be made the basis, although it 
may be made the summary of unification. 

Once more that history is of educative value 
in so far as it presents phases of social life and 
growth. It must be controlled by reference to 
social life. When taken simply as history it is 
thrown into the distant past and becomes dead 
and inert. Taken as the record of man's social 
life and progress it becomes full of meaning. I 
believe, however, that it cannot be so taken ex- 
cepting as the child is also introduced directly 
into social life. 

The primary basis of education is in the child's 
powers at work along the same general construc- 
tive lines as those which have brought civiliza- 
tion into being. 

The only way to make the child conscious of 
his social heritage is to enable him to perform 
those fundamental types of activity which make 
civilization what it is. 

In the so-called expressive or constructive activi- 
ties is the center of correlation. 

This gives the standard for the place of cook- 
ing, sewing, manual training, etc., in the school. 

They are not special studies which are to be in- 


troduced over and above a lot of others in the way 
of relaxation or relief, or as additional accom- 
plishments. I believe rather that they represent, 
as types, fundamental forms of social activity; 
and that it is possible and desirable that the child's 
introduction into the more formal subjects of the 
curriculum be thru the medium of these construc- 
tive activities. 

The study of science is educational in so far as 
it brings out the materials and processes which 
make social life what it is. 

One of the greatest difficulties in the present 
teaching of science is that the material is pre- 
sented in purely objective form, or is treated as 
a new peculiar kind of experience which the child 
can add to that which he has already had. In 
reality, science is of value because it gives the 
ability to interpret and control the experience al- 
ready had. It should be introduced, not as so 
much new subject matter, but as showing the fac- 
tors already involved in previous experience and 
as furnishing tools by which that experience can 
be more easily and effectively regulated. 

Not the least of the interesting things about educa- 
tion which can be "learned" from the foregoing is the 
fact that domestic science and manual training courses 
in the schools are not for the purpose of giving stu- 
dents an opportunity to work with their hands and 
learn to do things which will be of value to them in 
later life, but merely for the purpose of introducing 
the child to those sterner studies which the progressive 
educators must at least pretend to include in the 
school curriculum. 

To this present writer it is something of a shock to 
"learn" that what he learned of mathematics, physics, 
chemistry and biology in school had no relation to the 


material things of life, but in some way prepared this 
not-over-eager student for his later contacts with 
"social life. n 

As a matter of fact, this writer has made consider- 
able use of the mathematics he learned in school, and 
it has been a source of continuing satisfaction that 
what he learned in the sciences have given him the an- 
swer to the questions "Why?" and "How?" regarding 
hundreds and thousands of phenomena which he has 
witnessed during the past half-century. 

But to this day he is unable to see how these things 
have any connection with the quirks and turns of social- 
economic developments as he has witnessed them. For 
example, this writer might wonder what it was that he 
failed to learn in his studies of mathematics and other 
sciences that would help to explain the all-too-general 
acceptance of the fallacy that nations can spend them- 
selves into prosperity and affluence. 

By way of summing up, Dr. Dewey continues: 

Education must be conceived as a continuing 
reconstruction of experience ; that the process and 
the goal of education are one and the same thing. 

Dr. Dewey leaves the reader without explanation of 
how the process and goal of education can be one and 
the same thing. This writer is unconvinced; if learn- 
ing to skate or to swim is the same as skating or swim- 
ming, or if building a house is the same as a house, 
then in this writer's humble opinion, language has lost 
its meaning. 

Another section of Dr. Dewey's address is given 
over to dissertation on "The Nature of Method." In 
the course of this discussion he declares: 


The image is the great instrument of instruc- 
tion. What a child gets out of any subject pre- 
sented to him is simply the images which he him- 
self forms with regard to it. 

If nine-tenths of the energy at present directed 
towards making the child learn certain things were 
spent in seeing to it that the child was forming 
proper images, the work of instruction would be 
indefinitely facilitated. 

Much of the time and attention now given to 
the preparation and presentation of lessons might 
be more wisely and profitably expended in train- 
ing the child's power of imagery and in seeing to 
it that he was continually forming definite vivid 
and growing images of the various subjects with 
which he comes in contact in his experience. 

Again we follow the lead of Dr. Dewey and leave 
the reader to make what he can out of the three fore- 
going paragraphs, and proceed to present Dr. Dewey's 
thoughts on "The School and Social Progress': 

I believe that education is the fundamental 
method of social progress and reform. 

All reforms which rest simply upon the enact- 
ment of law, or the threatening of certain penal- 
ties, or upon changes in mechanical or outward 
arrangements, are transitory and futile. 

Education is a regulation of the process of 
coming to share in the social consciousness; and 
that the adjustment of individual activity on the 
basis of this social consciousness is the only sure 
method of social reconstruction. 

This conception has due regard for both the in- 
dividualistic and socialistic ideals. It is duly indi- 
vidual because it recognizes the formation of a 
certain character as the only genuine basis of right 
living. It is socialistic because it recognizes that 


this right character is not to be formed by merely 
individual precept, example, or exhortation, but 
rather by the influence of a certain form of insti- 
tutional or community life upon the individual, 
and that the social organism thru the school, as 
its organ, may determine ethical results. 

In the ideal school we have the reconciliation 
of the individualistic and the institutional ideals. 

The community's duty to education is, there- 
fore, its paramount moral duty. By law and pun- 
ishment, by social agitation and discussion, society 
can regulate and form itself in a more or less hap- 
hazard and chance way. But thru education so- 
ciety can formulate its own purposes, can organ- 
ize its own means and resources, and thus shape 
itself with definiteness and economy in the direc- 
tion in which it wishes to move. 

When society once recognizes the possibilities 
in this direction, and the obligations which these 
possibilities impose, it is impossible to conceive of 
the resources of time, attention, and money which 
will be put at the disposal of the educator. . . . 

The teacher is engaged, not simply in the train- 
ing of individuals, but in the formation of the 
proper social life. 

Every teacher should realize the dignity of his 
calling; that he is a social servant set apart for 
the maintenance of proper social order and the 
securing of the right social growth. 

In this way the teacher always is the prophet of 
the true God and the usherer in of the true king- 
dom of God. 

To this writer it would be surprising if a great many 
of the readers of the foregoing were not revolted by 
this "in a nutshell" presentation of the Dewey philos- 

If he did not previously possess it, the reader has 


before him the genesis of the progressive education 
idea that the ego of the child who lacks the ability or 
the will to study and understand must not be "bruised" 
by subjecting him to comparison of results he has at- 
tained with the objectives reached by his classmates. 
Therefore he must not be subjected to examination as 
to the nature and amount of his accomplishments; 
above all, he must not be allowed to "fail"; whether 
or not he has comprehended anything whatever of the 
subject matter presented to him during a semester or 
year, he must "progress" with his own age group into 
a higher grade. 

In other words, he must not be trained to take part 
in a competitive system; were he so trained he might 
get false ideas about "equality of men." To this writer 
it would appear that the only rational basis for train- 
ing students to live in a type of society entirely different 
from the one in which they are to live, would be that 
the educators believe that their efforts in the direction 
of "formation of the proper social life" will have al- 
most immediate effect, and that Utopia is "just around 
the corner." 

Such a conclusion hardly seems justified on the part 
of Editor Morgan and other educators of today in 
view of the fact that the Dewey philosophy was ex- 
pounded more than 50 years ago, and our social-eco- 
nomic life remains largely competitive in its nature. 

Since these "progressive" ideas are so repugnant to 
so many people, we may wonder how the educators pro- 
moting them have advanced as far as they have. It is 
not "done with mirrors"; rather it is done by evasion, 
subterfuge and double-talk. 

When the progressive education system and its re- 
sults are challenged, proponents of the system do not 
meet the criticisms directly. Rather, they dodge and 


evade ; they declare that the critics lack the educational 
or other background which would qualify them to dis- 
cuss such matters, or they quickly turn a few verbal 
handsprings and direct the train of thought into other 

We turn to Section G, final section — except for 
"Postscript" — of Part II of True Faith and Allegi- 
ance, an elaborate booklet published by the Commis- 
sion for the Defense of Democracy Through Education 
of National Education Association. The scene is 
the meeting place of the Cyclic Club as the members 
are gathering for their luncheon session. 

The president of the club exchanges greetings with 
the superintendent of schools, and then asks him, u Do 
you really believe in Progressive Education?" And 
the superintendent replies: 

"I believe in good education, and so when what peo- 
ple call progressive education is good, and it very often 
is, I believe in it. When any other kind of education 
is good, I believe in it. When it's bad, I don't believe 
in it. How's that?" 

Of course this is quibbling; the superintendent's an- 
swer has none of the characteristics of a straight an- 
swer to a fair question. But the club president is 
"caught off balance," and allows the conversation to be 
shifted promptly to unrelated subjects. 

Cynical readers, and some not so cynical, will under- 
stand that this conversation is printed in this book as 
a "straight tip" to teachers and supervisors of teachers 
as to how they can best meet questions and criticisms 
about the Dewey philosophy of "progressive educa- 



Looking forward to the centennial of the National 
Education Association, founded in Philadelphia in 
1857, the Representative Assembly of the Asssocia- 
tion, meeting in San Francisco in 1951, adopted a 
seven-year program of further development of the 
Association's power and influence. 

Among the stated aims of the Centennial Action 
Program is increase of the number of affiliated local 
associations to 6,000, and general adoption of the uni- 
fied dues plan. Under this plan a single membership 
fee, collected at the local level, pays the assessed-to- 
members costs of local, state, national and world serv- 
ice. A natural result would be to bring practically all 
teachers in America into NEA membership. 

Tremendous progress toward the goal of 100 per 
cent affiliation has been made in the last eleven years. 
From 1921 to 1941 the number of affiliated locals in- 
creased from 197 to 892. The (percentage) rate of 
increase practically doubled during the next decade; 
on May 31, 1952, the Association had 4,400 affiliates 
on the local level. 

On the state level, every one of the 48 states had 
an affiliated association, and affiliated associations of 
equal rank existed in Alaska, District of Columbia, 
Hawaii and Puerto Rico. 

The estimated number of teachers in public elemen- 
tary and secondary schools in the 52 "states" during 
the 1950-51 school year was 1,040,578. Membership 


in the affiliated state-level associations as of May 31, 
1952, totaled 952,577. On the same date the mem- 
bership roll of National Education Association num- 
bered 490,968; the roll had more than doubled in the 
preceding decade. 

On the basis of numbers, National Education Associ- 
ation is the most powerful organization of professional 
people in the nation, hence an extremely potent pres- 
sure group in the political field. 

Proponents of socialized medicine declare that 
American Medical Association is the most powerful 
pressure group in America; it numbers 147, 565. 1 

If all clergymen with charges in the United States 
(181,1 23 ) 2 could be enrolled in a professional society; 
and if all American attorneys (181 ,226) 3 could be en- 
rolled in the American Bar Association; and if the 
three organizations representing all doctors, lawyers 
and preachers could be federated, this federation 
would barely match NEA's membership of 490,968. 

Of course when NEA's lobbyists go to Congress 
with demands for legislation, the emphasis is on the 
952,577 members of the affiliates. 

The Representative Assembly of 3,300 delegates 
from affiliated associations is the policy-making body 
and determines the legislative program. The Board 
of Directors numbers 78; the Board of Trustees has 
five members, and eleven members serve on the Execu- 
tive Committee. 

Carrying out the various activities of National Edu- 
cation Association are 29 departments, 24 commissions 
and committees, 14 headquarters divisions and one 

1 World Almanac, 1953. 

2 Yearbook of American Churches, National Council of 
Churches, 1952. 

3 U. S. Census, 1950. 


Headquarters of NEA are in a handsome office 
building at 1201 Sixteenth Street, Northwest, Wash- 
ington, D. C, purchased by the Association in 1920 
and enlarged in 1930. This building houses the offices 
of the association and its committees and commissions, 
and 19 of the 29 departments. The Association's em- 
ployes number an average of 458; the annual payroll 
for 1951-52 was approximately $1,610,000. 

Membership fees, totaling $3,500,000 in the year 
1951-52, account for approximately 65 per cent of the 
total income of the Association; receipts from all 
sources were in excess of $5,388,000 during that fiscal 

The regular membership fee of $5.00 per year con- 
fers the normal and usual privileges of voting, office 
holding and attendance at meetings, and each member 
receives the nine issues of The Journal which are pub- 
lished each year. 

Members may pay $10.00 per year if they wish, and 
these "special" members also receive the Association's 
Research Bulletins and the Association annual, The 
Volume of Addresses and Proceedings, which is a per- 
manent record of the annual convention. 

Life membership costs $150.00, but this amount 
may be paid in ten equal annual installments if desired. 
Life members receive the same publications to which 
the $10.00 "special" members are entitled. 

Receipts from the sale of books, pamphlets and 
leaflets amount to a tidy sum. The exact amount is not 
stated in the NEA Handbook, from which the infor- 
mation in preceding paragraphs of this chapter were 
gleaned, but it is declared that 24,000 orders accom- 
panied by remittances were received during the year, 
and more than 46,500 statements totaling more than 
$570,000 were handled by the department of accounts. 


The, Handbook, 384 pages in paper covers, sells for 
$1.00. The 1952-53 issue bears the date, August, 
1952. The number of copies printed is 30,000. Copies 
were sent to presidents of local associations and presi- 
dents and secretaries of state associations, and their 
departments; officers of the NEA and its subdivisions, 
and delegates to the Representative Assembly at De- 
troit; to $10.00 institutional members of NEA; county 
and city superintendents; presidents of universities and 
colleges, including teachers colleges; deans of schools 
of education, and rural state supervisors. 

Only a glance at the Publications List of National 
Education Association is enough to assure that NEA 
believes in the power of the printed word. 

The List published under date of April, 1951, is a 
booklet of 36 pages; the page size is 5j^ by 7^ inches. 
Listed in the booklet are 772 publications, exclusive of 
periodicals. Prices range from two cents to $5.00 per 
copy; a few are free. To purchase one copy of each 
of the publications listed, including the subscription 
prices of those periodicals which are available to the 
public, would cost $488.28. 

Sponsorship of the publications by the various com- 
missions, committees departments and divisions of 
NEA is shown in the second section of the Publications 
List. In the first section the publications are listed by 

To indicate the extent of publication sponsorship 
by the various subsidiaries of NEA, a list of these 
groups is presented here. The name of each group 
will be followed by the number, and sometimes other 
information about periodicals and other publications 
sponsored, with the total of single-copy prices for each 
group. The number of publications as stated does not 
include the number of periodicals, but the total cost 


of one copy each of the group's publications includes 
the price, if any, of an annual subscription to the peri- 
odicals. The list follows: 


Educational Policies Commission, 14 publications, 
of which two are free; $9.95. 

National Commission for the Defense of Democ- 
racy Thru Education, 14; 11 free; $1.00. 

National Commission on Safety Education, mime- 
ographed newsletter sent to selected list; 31 publica- 
tions, one free; $12.65. 

National Commission on Teacher Education and 
Professional Standards, one periodical (quarterly) ; 
seven publications, one free; $5.75. 

National Council on Teacher Retirement, six, one 
free; $1.65. 


Citizenship, six publications; $2.75. 
Credit Unions, two; fifty cents. 
International Relations, four; $2.50. 
Professional Ethics, two; fifty cents. 
Tax Education and School Finance, eight; $2.35. 
Tenure and Academic Freedom, 24, two free; $7.10. 
NEA and American Medical Association (Joint 
Committee), two; $3.15. 


Adult Education, one periodical, free to members; 
11, three free; $3.90. 

American Association for Health, Physical Educa- 
tion, and Recreation, one perodical, free to members; 


one periodical, $3.00; 58 publications, seven free; 

American Association of School Administrators, 28, 
of which 22 are Yearbooks; $48.50. 

American Educational Research Association, one 
perodical, $5.00; 18 publications; $28.75. 

American Industrial Arts Association, one perodi- 
cal, no information given. 

Association for Supervision and Curriculum Depart- 
ment, one perodical, $3.50; 20 publications; $30.05. 

Audio-Visual Instruction, one perodical; $3.00. 

Classroom Teachers, News Bulletin, free to local as- 
sociations; 27 publications, 11 free; $5.05. 

Elementary School Principals, one perodical, free to 
members; 34 publications; $38.10. 

Higher Education, one periodical, $3.00; five; 

International Council for Exceptional Children, one 
perodical, free to members. 

Music Educators National Conference, one periodi- 
cal, $1.50; complete list of publications available at 
Chicago office. 

National Association of Deans of Women, one peri- 
odical, $3.00; nine publications; $6.90. 

National Association of Secondary-School Princi- 
pals, one periodical, free to members; 72 publications, 
two free; $65.25. 

National Council for the Social Studies, one periodi- 
cal; $3.00; 40 other publications, of which seven are 
Yearbooks; $36.00. 

The National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, 
one periodical, free to members; list of publications 
available on request. 

National School Public Relations Association, two 


periodicals, free to members; seven publications; 95 

National Science Teachers Association, nine; $4.50. 

Rural Education, 23 publications, of which eight are 
Yearbooks, $17.75. 

Speech Association of America, one periodical, 

United Business Education Association, two periodi- 
cals, one $3.00, one free; 20 publications, $13.15. 


Legislative-Federal Relations, news letter, free; 
three; 55 cents. 

Press and Radio Relations, 14, two free; $10.65. 

Publication, The Journal, free to members, 50 cents 
per copy to others; NEA News, sent to selected list; 
22 publications; $22.35. 

Personal Growth Leaflets, 140 kept in print; $2.80. 1 

Research, 34 publications, one free; $32.15. 
. Research Bulletin, periodical, $2.00; 51 publica- 
tions; $18.75. 

Most important of National Education Association 
periodicals is The Journal. It is handsome and well 
edited with page size similar to that of the weekly news 
magazines such as Time, News Week and Pathfinder. 
It is available in many libraries, presumably through 
some sort of associate membership. 

Editorially, of course, The Journal reflects the poli- 
cies of NEA. The "masthead" page carries the usual 
declaration that signed articles on following pages rep- 
resent the opinions of the authors and do not necessarily 
reflect the editorial policies of The Journal. Only the 

1 According to NEA Handbook, 1952-53, a total of 46,382,832 of 
these leaflets have been published. 


extremely naive will believe that the editors select for 
publication signed articles representing viewpoints with 
which they are in disagreement. 

Both the editorial and "news" columns of The 
Journal support the policies of the so-called progres- 
sive education, based in godless pragmatism, and one 
of the basic and immediate evils of which is the train- 
ing of children for life in a non-competitive world, 
though the teachers well know that the world in which 
the children will live when they leave school is a highly 
competitive world. 

In the January, 1950, issue of The Journal appears 
an article by Dr. Margaret Lindsey, coordinator of 
professional education at Indiana State Teachers Col- 
lege, Terre Haute, Ind. The article, on Page 26, ex- 
plaining "How the child can participate in appraisal of 
the school program, " reads in part: 

According to Willard C. Olson, NEA Journal, 
September, 1947, the purpose of the school pro- 
gram should be to "assist (each) child to grow 
according to his natural design without depriva- 
tion or forcing in an environment which also sup- 
plies social direction to his achievements." 

The educational program designed to reach this 
goal will have, among other characteristics, the 
following: . . . 

(2) An atmosphere (a) conducive to socially 
— intergrated behavior — good human relation- 
ships, (b) free from rigidity, (c) free from com- 
petition, (d) free from fear — especially fear cre- 
ated by adults' expectations beyond a child's 

The phrase, "free from competition," in the last 
quoted paragraph above, was italicized by this writer 


for emphasis. When the article by Dr. Olson was 
published in 1947, he was touted as "foremost in his 
field"; he is a member of the faculty of the University 
of Michigan. 

Editorial support of The Journal was immediate 
and emphatic when National Education Association 
decided to accept the challenge of Dr. George S. 
Counts of Columbia University, in his pamphlet, "Dare 
the Schools Build a New Social Order?" (Published 
in 1932 as a John Day pamphlet.) 

As was related in the first chapter of this present 
little book, the report of the six-man committee ap- 
pointed to draft the Desirable Social-Economic Goals 
of America was published in the January, 1934, issue 
of The Journal. 

John Dewey's godless philosophy (pragmatism) ap- 
pears clearly in the "prologue" of the Goals statement 
when it declares that the national policies in the social- 
economic field must be judged, not by whether or not 
they "square" with the moral law, but with the results 
that can be obtained. Quoting the "prologue:" 

Social and economic policies and practices must 
be judged by what they do to enrich the lives of 
individuals. Therefore the desirable social-eco- 
nomic goals of America are stated in terms of the 
things we covet in the highest degree for the larg- 
est number of Americans. 

Arrogance of the NEA leaders in presenting Desir- 
able Goals of America rather than recommendations 
to America or for America surely is worthy of note. 

Joy Elmer Morgan, editor of The Journal, lost no 
time in giving editorial endorsement to the committee 
report. As editor of The Journal, he had prior access 
to the document which was to be published in the NEA 


official organ, and he was able to scoop all other edi- 
tors and get the editorial "flowers" into the columns 
of the same issue in which the report was published. 
Here is what he wrote: 

Let every teacher make himself a student of 
these social-economic goals and interpret them to 
the people. . . . The school must learn to value 
and cultivate the adult mind as well as the child 
mind. The high school must become again the 
people's college. Citizens everywhere must be 
led to study, to understand and to debate again 
the issues and ideals of American democracy. 
They must be led to use the enriched resources 
which are now available for the building of a 
culture which will arouse the enthusiasm and devo- 
tion of the people. Democratic civilization is at 

Here is complete endorsement of the program, in- 
cluding its "prologue"; here is statement of the top- 
level decree that the schools must become propaganda 
tools for the collectivists; finally, here is further, and 
total, preoccupation with godless democracy, forsak- 
ing our American Republic, government based in moral 

Taking a fling at book reviewing, Editor Morgan 
wrote an editorial for the December, 1945, issue of 
The Journal, in which he said some extremely compli- 
mentary things about a book he had read and could 
not resist recommending as "the most important book 
of the year." In the editorial Dr. Morgan wrote: 

We name as the most important book of the 
year Sixty Million Jobs by Henry A. Wallace, 
Secretary of Commerce. The book "gives not 


only the WHY but also the HOW, the time-table 
and the balance sheets for both the immediate 
program and the long-range goals. " ... It de- 
serves a place in every school library and should 
be part of the required study of every high school 
and college student. It may well furnish the basis 
for discussion groups in home, church and school. 
Actually the book was, and is, "strictly crackpot," 
in the true Wallace tradition, but served the useful 
(for Wallace) purpose as the "kick off" for his nom- 
ination, in 1948, as the Presidential candidate of the 
Communist-dominated Progressive Party. 

The Wallace book is "crackpot" rather than truly 
subversive because it promises everything to everybody, 
whereas a subversive (Communist) program promises 
only spoils to the spoilers. 

In Sixty Million Jobs the author promises that his 
program can be made to provide lower taxes while of- 
fering additional government services in housing, edu- 
cation, resources development (public power, rural 
electrification, soil conservation, etc.) and "extending 
social security and health insurance by universal cover- 
age for unemployment and old-age insurance, by uni- 
versal health insurance and adequate medical facilities, 
and expanded public-health service." 

While "maintaining prices of farm products" and 
"maintaining wages to protect take-home pay" (re- 
quiring higher wage rates) Wallace promises to "ad- 
just industrial prices to promote consumption," mean- 
ing lower prices. It wouldn't be "done with mirrors," 
but by government spending, subsidy and "planning." 
Of course The Journal editor was not the only one 
to "go all ga-ga" about this "crackpot" book. Lauda- 
tory reviews appeared in New Republic, Saturday Re- 
view of Literature, the Nation (review by Stuart 


Chase) and other publications which always laud col- 
lectivist maudlinisms. 

The New York Times Book Review Section pre- 
sented a symposium, with a laudatory review by U. S. 
Senator Claude Pepper of Florida, and an adverse cri- 
tique by U. S. Senator Robert A. Taft of Ohio. Book 
Review Digest published this significant paragraph 
from the Taft review : 

Mr. Wallace states well the ideal conditions 
which we would all like to see brought about in 
America. His book stimulates thought and study 
to find the right way to obtain them. But his own 
plans can only lead to another very artificial boom 
followed by the depression and unemployment he 
is trying to avoid. In his failure he is likely to 
destroy the whole American system of freedom 
which has made this people the most powerful na- 
tion the world has ever seen, and already with 
the highest standard of living and prosperity. 

Had this present writer been editor of Book Review 
Digest, he would have chosen for publication this para- 
graph from the Taft review: 

Mr. Wallace's book is full of pious reverence 
for private enterprise as an institution, but scorn 
for most business men. But, on page after page, 
he introduces government enterprise on a scale 
that would destroy free enterprise. . . . Henry 
Wallace's fallacy is his belief that the private en- 
terprise machine can be run simply by pouring in 
more gasoline while you drop monkey wrenches 
into the machinery trying to adjust and repair it. 

But no amount of excoriation or exposure of the 
book would have halted its successful march into the 


schools on the recommendation of National Education 
Association's editorial spokesman. 

In a midwestern city in the fall of 1951, a library 
patron who sought to refresh his memories of the 
Sixty Million Jobs, was told that the city library no 
longer had a copy, but that each of the three branch 
libraries in the three high schools of the city had copies. 
Books like this are given to adolescents, and it is called 
"teaching economics. " 

Naturally, The Journal reflects the opposition of 
NEA to Universal Military Training or any form of 
conscription. (Typical editorials appear in January, 
1945, and April, 1946, issues.) 

Equally emphatic is NEA opposition to any and 
every movement seeking to limit taxing power, the 
most easily available and most efficient tool of the col- 
lectivist forces hell-bent for the Socialist Utopia. An 
editorial in issue of December, 1944, declares that ac- 
ceptance of proposals to place limits on federal taxing 
power would be equivalent to signing away the birth- 
right of the people ! 

Certainly nobody can deny that National Education 
Association has been the leading and principal pro- 
ponent of federal aid to education. But to make the 
record complete and show the exact terminology now 
being used and the relative importance of the demand 
on the NEA legislative program, it is noted that the 
November, 1952, issue of The Journal publishes the 
Association's Federal Legislative Policy statement u as 
defined in the NEA Platform and 1952 Resolutions." 
First on the list: 

The National Education Association advocates: 
Financial assistance from the federal govern- 
ment to the states, territories, possessions, and 


District of Columbia for support of public educa- 

Federal funds provided with the understand- 
ing that the expenditure of such funds and the 
shaping of educational policies be matters of state 
and local control. 

Of course some supporters of the federal aid pro- 
posals will continue to claim that suggested measures 
are not socialistic. The point is being argued publicly 
and privately all over the nation, and the arguments 
need not be presented here. 

Surely it cannot be denied that the proposal is in the 
direction of statism — concentration of state power ; by 
its very nature the proposal means that further re- 
sponsibilities for levying and distributing taxes would 
devolve upon the federal government, which has no 
money except what it takes from the citizens. 

And what a farce it would be for the federal gov- 
ernment to take money from the citizens of a state, 
return a fraction of it to the schools of that state, and 
call it federal aid! 

Also significant on the point as to whether or not 
federal aid to education would be in the direction of 
statism, we might consider the pretty little foible of 
NEA in suggesting that the federal aid shall be given 
outright to the states, or to the schools of the states, 
without any measure of federal control. 

It is not a little difficult to understand a mentality 
which assumes that such a thing could happen, if in- 
deed anybody so assumes: it is just as true now as it 
always has been that he who pays the fiddler calls the 
tune, and that any other concept would be completely 
out of line with American ideas of realism, equity and 

This is the way federal aid really works: the fed- 
eral government levies a sales tax on gasoline, thus 


collecting revenues from a special class of taxpayers. 
These revenues are distributed to states which are will- 
ing to improve highways which will fit into the federal 
highway system. 

The federal control is absolute. The engineering 
is under federal direction; contracts with construc- 
tion firms must be approved by the federal government's 
chosen agencies; every step of construction is under 
constant federal inspection; the contractor will not be 
paid until the work has been approved and the accounts 
have been audited by representatives of the federal 
authority. No other course would be realistic, or 

If Congress ever does enact a measure providing 
federal aid to education, the money will be paid only 
to those schools which meet qualifications prescribed 
by the U. S. Office of Education, and which will agree 
to spend the money in a manner to suit the bureau- 
cratic will. 

Naturally, The Journal is committed, 100 per cent, 
to the policy of advocating — yes, propagandizing for 
— world super-government. This position of National 
Education Association is discussed at considerable 
length in the chapter, "Promoting International Col- 
lectivism. " For the purpose of this over-all view of 
the Association, no more is necessary than a look at the 
most recent official pronouncements and a glimpse and 
hint of the propaganda methods used. 

In The Journal for April, 1951, Page 243, are pub- 
lished the resolutions adopted by the American Associ- 
ation of School Administrators at the Association's 
annual meeting, Feb. 17-23, 1951. Quoting: 

United Nations. We urge continued use of the 
United Nations as an instrument of peace. We 


declare ourselves in favor of charter amendment 
to enable the United Nations to enact, interpret 
and enforce world law to prevent war. . . . 

Since the United Nations is the tangible, organ- 
ized expression of mankind's desire for peace, all 
schools should cooperate in supporting United 
Nations Education Service to be inaugurated by 
NEA in September, 1951. 

Italics were added to the words "and enforce'' for 
attention and emphasis, for these words make it clear 
that this powerful group within NEA suggests insur- 
ing peace by setting up a world army to wage major 
wars in suppression of any minor wars which might 
develop. We may well wonder how much considera- 
tion those educators have given to this problem; just 
how safe will be the cherished liberties of Americans 
under such a set-up? Our liberties are based in moral 
laws not recognized by 94 per cent of the people of 
the world; have those advocates of peace through op- 
eration of a world army given any consideration what- 
ever to this fact? 

Illustrating the propaganda methods of the peda- 
gogic proponents of world super-government, in Octo- 
ber, 1950, issue of The Journal, Page 491, is devoted 
to a picture of a small girl sewing a United Nations 
flag. In large letters, the picture is captioned, "Betsy 
Ross — 1950." The cut lines read: 

On United Nations Day, October 23, many 
schools will present a UN flag to each classroom. 
Others will encourage children to make their own 
flags, as seven-year-old Patti Reid is doing here. 
For information on instructions and materials, see 
Page 544. Suggestions for teaching about the 
UN throughout the year are given on Page 492. 


Cover page illustration of NEA Journal for March, 
1953, is a reproduction of a color photograph of a 
group of elementary school children at Laurel School, 
Los Angeles, California; the children are shown with 
hands over hearts, presumably repeating the Pledge 
of Allegiance to the Flag; Old Glory is prominently in 
the foreground and no flag of United Nations was 
within camera range. 

Was this photo selected, perhaps, to offset some of 
the nationwide publicity concerning events when Los 
Angeles citizens inaugurated a movement which re- 
sulted in removing UNESCO "citizenship courses" 
from the school's curriculum? Was NEA Journal 
"telling the world" that NEA is not guilty of anything 
against which citizens might rebel — that it recom- 
mends teaching only American ideals of patriotism? 

First principal feature of this March issue is a full- 
page editorial captioned "The Outlook for America," 
signed by Joy Elmer Morgan, editor. First part of 
the editorial is repetition of the fears of the tax-and- 
spend advocates that possible halt of hostilities and 
defense spending may bring about a depression; it is 
the same "tune" w T hich was the basis of the Henry Wal- 
lace book for which Editor Morgan showed so much 

This more modern version conveniently forgets what 
happened when the nation was converted from war pro- 
duction to peace production in the middle 1940's. The 
three final paragraphs of the editorial read: 

We who teach are concerned with more basic 
questions than either war or depression. Our task 
concerns people and the building of purpose, in- 
telligence, skill, and character in their lives. The 
eternal struggle between good and evil is now 


global, but the issues at stake are the age-old issues 
with which mankind has struggled from the be- 
ginning: faith versus doubt, hope versus despair, 
truth versus error, right versus wrong, freedom 
versus tyranny, love versus violence. 

The worldwide aspiration and hunger for a 
better life should strengthen our faith in the fu- 
ture. Our generation is the first in human history 
that ever dared to believe it practicable to make 
the benefits of civilization available to the whole 
human race. 

Let us inspire our people to look to the future, 
as our forefathers did before us, with faith in 
ourselves, in our country, in humanity, and in God. 

Even casual reading of this effusion discloses that 
Editor Morgan is engaging in double talk which seeks 
to convince readers that world super-government is 
just around the corner and will make the earth a giant 
Utopia. Even if this conclusion is right, his premises 
are wrong. The eternal struggle between good and 
evil has not just now become a global problem; it is a 
human problem dating back to beginnings of the race, 
and it spread over the world as humanity populated 
larger and larger sections of Mother Earth. 

Nor is our generation the first in human history to 
believe it practicable to make the benefits of civiliza- 
tion available to the whole human race. 

The process of offering worldly as well as spiritual 
benefits to all people of the world began when Jesus 
Christ sent his disciples out to spread the glad tidings. 
Christians always have been mission-minded, and their 
missionaries always have taught better ways of physical 
living as well as spiritual development. 

Christianity is the most individualistic of all reli- 
gions, and as individuals were given more and more 


freedom to develop their possibilities, civilization ad- 
vanced, reaching its highest plane in the United States, 
founded on the principles enunciated in the Preamble 
of the Declaration of Independence, but borrowed from 
the New Testament. 

By example, by sending Christian missionaries to all 
parts of the world, and in other ways, Americans al- 
ways have shown willingness to help people of other 
nations to seek and find the spiritual and material bene- 
fits to free government founded on the principles of the 
Christian faith. 

If declarations of Editor Morgan are not enough to 
prove that NEA proposes to continue as an exponent 
of the theories of world government, plenty of other 
evidence is at hand. 

NEA's Educational Policies Commission prepared 
and sponsored publication of an eight-page pamphlet 
(with cover) titled, The United Nations, Unesco, and 
American Schools; it bears the date, December, 1952. 

In defense of its position, the Commission argues in 
this way: American citizens were favorable toward 
establishment of United Nations; America joined UN 
as result of an overwhelming vote in the U. S. Senate ; 
later, a number of specialized agencies of UN were 
set up, among them UNESCO, and both houses of 
Congress acted almost unanimously in approving the 
Constitution of UNESCO and making the United 
States a member; hence UN and UNESCO must be 
all that could be desired and operating strictly in con- 
formance with the UN Charter and UNESCO Con- 
stitution. It is pointed out that by its Constitution, 
UNESCO is forbidden to engage in propaganda for 
world government, and the assumption is that UN- 
ESCO is faithful to its trust. 

School children should be taught about UN and 


UNESCO, the Policies Commission argues, a point 
which will not be contested by any American, provided 
only that the instruction is given to pupils of an age to 
understand at least something of what it is all about. 

So, the assumption is that UNESCO and those who 
initiate and carry on the teaching in the schools are 
wholly unbiased and tell the whole truth, while those 
persons who object to celebration of UN Day in the 
schools and other propaganda moves are demanding 
that pupils be indoctrinated with a viewpoint opposed 
to UNESCO and all that it stands for ! 

One of the "touchy" points of the propaganda for 
world super-governmnet is the One Worlders' conten- 
tion that steps must be taken to put into practice the 
theories of race equality. Let us see how objectively 
UNESCO treats this delicate matter, so close to the 
hearts of those Americans who believe that the Creator 
had a purpose in mind when he populated the earth 
with peoples of different colors and attributes. 

"Text of the statement issued July 18, 1950," is in- 
corporated in UNESCO Publication 791, titled The 
Race Question. On Page 8 we read: 

The biological fact of race and the myth of 
"race" should be distinguished. For all practical 
social purposes "race" is not so much a biological 
phenomenon as a social myth. The myth "race" 
has created an enormous amount of human and 
social damage. In recent years it has taken a 
heavy toll in human lives and caused untold suf- 
fering. It still prevents the normal development 
of millions of human beings and deprives civiliza- 
tion of the effective co-operation of productive 
minds. The biological differences between ethnic 
groups should be disregarded from the standpoint 
of social acceptance and social action. The unity 


of mankind from both the biological and social 
viewpoints is the main thing. To recognize this 
and to act accordingly is the first requirement of 
modern man. 

This means only one thing: open advocacy of mis- 
cegnation and mongrelization. Now then, perhaps 
that is what we in America need; perhaps it is even 
what we want. But certainly we have in America a 
great number of people, possibly a minority, but still 
a large number, who are revolted by this propaganda. 
Certainly it is a controversial matter, and for NEA 
to pretend that UNESCO approaches the problem ob- 
jectively is utterly ridiculous. 

Seven final pages of the NEA Handbook are desig- 
nated as Part V and devoted to such information as 
NEA editors desire to divulge about the World Or- 
ganization of the Teaching Profession. The title page 
presents a short paragraph of laudation of the UN 
Declaration of Human Rights; the tribute is credited 
to The Scottish Educational Journal. 

Primarily a federation of national organizations of 
teachers, WOTP also accepts individuals as associate 
members. The societies which are members of WOTP 
are nationals of ^Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, 
Ceylon, *China, ^Denmark, Ecuador, England, *Es- 
tonia, Finland, ^France, ^Germany, Iceland, India, 
^Indonesia, ^Ireland, *Israel, Italy, Japan, Korea, 
^Liberia, Luxemburg, Malta, New Zealand, Nigeria, 
Northern Ireland, Norway, Philippines, Scotland, 
*Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United States and 
Jugoslavia, 35 countries in all. Associates (individual 
members) number approximately 1,200, the majority 
of them residents of the United States. 

WOTP appears to be growing, but not too stable. 


In the Handbook of 1951-52, 27 countries appeared on 
the list of nations. In the list above, the asterisks pre- 
ceding names of nations indicate that they did not ap- 
pear on the list of the previous year. Missing from 
the later list are Burma and Egypt, and England, on 
the later alphabetical list, occupies the place of Eng- 
land and Wales. 

The United States members of WOTP are Ameri- 
can Federation of Teachers, 20,000 members; Ameri- 
can Teachers Association, 13,614 members, and Na- 
tional Education Association. 

At this writing it does not appear that WOTP is a 
particularly potent factor in the movement toward 
world super-government, though the desire is clear 

Desire of NEA leadership to continue on along the 
path to Socialism also is clear enough, and this lead- 
ership has the means as well as the will. 

In carrying out its various projects, National Educa- 
tion Association lacks neither suitable agencies nor the 
funds with which to operate. Foundations have been 
kind to NEA and its commissions and other subsid- 
iaries. Annual Report of the (Rockefeller) General 
Education Board for 1940 reveals gifts to various or- 
ganizations of educators, and announces one in par- 
ticular which seems worthy of attention: 

"The one new undertaking in the area of instruc- 
tional materials and methods for which funds were 
made available in 1940 was a project sponsored jointly 
by the National Association of Secondary School Prin- 
cipals and the National Council for Social Studies (of 
the National Education Association) for the prepara- 
tion of a series of 'resource units' in the social studies. 

"In most secondary schools an important phase of 
civic education is the social studies program. In this 


area many teachers suffer from a lack of advance prep- 
aration in the social sciences and from unfamiliarity 
with instructional materials. 

"The most rapidly growing course in the secondary 
school curriculum is the course called Contemporary 
Social Problems, or Problems of Democracy, given in 
the eleventh or twelfth grades. Textbooks for this 
course have not proved very satisfactory and there is 
a real need for cooperation between social scientists 
and secondary school teachers in developing better in- 
structional methods. 

"Recognizing this need, the National Association of 
Secondary School Principals undertook an exploration 
of the problem with a group of social scientists at the 
University of Chicago in 1940. Out of the explora- 
tion grew a plan for the development of twelve or 
more units which would serve teachers as resource ma- 
terial (but not as textbooks for students) in helping 
pupils gain a clearer understanding of problems in- 
volved in such fields as planning and public finance, 
public education, population, unemployment, health, 
personal security and self-development, democracy and 
dictatorship, free enterprise and collectivism, Ameri- 
can defense. ... A grant of $17,500 from the Gen- 
eral Education Board will care for the expense in- 
volved in the preparation of materials." 

Developing this project, the two departments of 
NEA put out a series of booklets on the general sub- 
ject, "Problems of American Life." One of these was 
The American Way of Business, which purported to 
tell teachers of the high schools how American busi- 
ness enterprises are operated, so that the teachers, in 
turn, could properly advise the students. 

Selected as authors of this booklet were two alien- 
born professors with pronounced pro-Soviet back- 


grounds. One was Oscar Lange, then an economics 
professor of the University of Chicago; the other was 
Abba Lerner, a Bessarabian refugee whose alma mater 
is the London School of Economics, best known in 
America as the institution which for many years had 
Harold J. Laski as its most renowned professor. 

In 1945, the year after publication of the Lange- 
Lerner book by the two NEA agencies, Lange re- 
nounced his American citizenship to become a citizen 
and official of Soviet Poland; he became the United 
Nations representative of the Polish puppet govern- 
ment. Lerner went on to teach at Roosevelt College, 
a left-wing institution in the Chicago loop. 

More might be revealed about the backgrounds and 
other projects of the two authors, but our chief interest 
lies in the content of the booklet under consideration. 
The following three paragraphs are quoted verbatim 
from Prejudice and the Press, by Frank Hughes, 
Devin-Adair, 1950: 

Here are some of the points that Lange and 
Lerner drilled into the minds of American teach- 
ers and their pupils under the guise of an "Ameri- 
can Way of Business" : "The idea of abolishing 
private enterprise came from socialist thinkers 
who believed that this change would actually fur- 
ther the development of the individual." That 
American business men "cannot at the same time 
claim credit for producing the things that are 
beneficial to society . . . their aim, when they 
go into business, is to make money and the good 
or the harm done to society is a secondary matter, 
even though there may be a temptation to claim 
credit when it does good and to evade responsi- 
bility when it does harm." 

That "the concepts of accounting and sound 


business that are proper for private enterprise 
. . . have no necessary relevance for public enter- 
prise. " That "public enterprise must become a 
major constituent of our economy, if we are really 
going to have economic prosperity." That "it is 
necessary to have public ownership of banking 
and credit (investment banks and insurance com- 
panies). ... A publicly owned banking and 
credit system alone is compatible with the flexibil- 
ity of capital value necessary to maintain competi- 
tive standards in production and trade." That 
"it is necessary to have public ownership of mon- 
opolistic key industries. . . . The legal basis for 
public ownership of such industries should be pro- 
vided by an amendment of the anti-trust laws, 
providing that in cases of proved repetition of 
monopolistic practices and impossibility of correct- 
ing the situation on the basis of private enterprise, 
the companies in question should be transferred 
into public ownership and operated on the 'prin- 
ciple of public service.' " 

That "it is necessary to have public ownership 
of basic natural resources (mines, oil fields, tim- 
ber, coal, etc.)." That "in order to insure that 
the public corporations act in accordance with the 
competitive 'rules of the game,' special economic 
courts (enjoying the same independence as courts 
of justice) might be established. . . . That the 
economic courts be given the power to repeal any 
rules of Congress, of the legislatures, or of the 
municipal councils. . . ." (American Way of 
Business, by Oscar Lange and Abba Lerner, pub- 
lished by the National Association of Secondary 
School Principals and the National Council for 
the Social Studies divisions of the National Edu- 
cation Association, 1201 16th Str. N. W., Wash- 
ington, D. C, 1944.) 


Amazing? Surely, but hardly more than the "reve- 
lations" in earlier chapters of this little book; really, 
it is all of one pattern. 

Nothing in the foregoing paragraphs of this chap- 
ter, or in other chapters of this little book, is intended 
as an attack upon either the public schools or the teach- 
ing profession as such: nor can anything in these writ- 
ings reasonably be construed as such attack. 

Actually this little book represents the results of a 
sincere effort to disclose a small section of the record 
of false leadership of the profession. 

This present writer refuses to believe that the en- 
tire teaching profession, or even a majority of the 
teachers, has been infected with the subversive propa- 
ganda of collectivism. 

Rather, this writer believes that when the teachers 
of the nation learn the real truth about the objectives 
of National Education Association as determined by 
the present leadership, the loyal American teachers 
w r ill arise in holy wrath and "turn the rascals out," then 
reorganize along the lines of an American professional 

Time alone can tell what the teachers will do. 


Abortion, legalized, 126 
Abundant life (democracy), 104 
Academic Freedom, 13 (c), 13 
Acquired abstractions, 124 
Adams, John, 86 
Adult education, 8 

97f, 133 

American Industrial Arts Associ- 
ation, 162 

American League Against War 
and Fascism, 18 

American League for Peace and 
Democracy, 18 

Adult Education, Department of, American Legion, 86 

161 American Medical Association, 

Affiliated Associations (NEA), 158, 161 

157f American Program of Plenty, An, 

Alien and Sedition Laws, 100 Chase, 56f 

Amalgamated Clothing Workers American Teachers Association, 

of America, 79 178 

America called a democracy, 39, American Tradition, study of, 

54, 78, 99, 106, 166 97ff 

America equated with European American Vigilant Intelligence 

nations, 99ff Committee, 86 

America First Foundation, 86 "American Way" criticized, 21ff, 

American Association for Health, 32 , 37f, 53f, 68ff, 76f, 97ff, 101 

Physical Education and Recre 

ation, 161 
American Association of School 

Administrators, 9 (footnote), 

16, 18, 20, 97, 122f, 162, 171f 
American Bar Association, 142, 

American Citizens Handbook, 

The, 49ff, 61, 142ff 
American Civil Liberties Union, 

American concept of government, 


American Coordinating Commit- 
tee for International Studies, 47 

American Council on Education, 

American Dream, 37 

American Educational Research 
Association, 162 

American Education Fellowship, 

American Federation of Teach- 
ers, 178 

American Historical Association, 
33, 136 

American Way of Business, The, 

American Youth Congress, 27, 

Americana Corporation, 81 

Americans All: Studies in Inter - 
cultural Education, 42f 

Anarchy, 134 

Ancestor-worshippers, 86 

Anti-Duhring, Engels, 128 

Appendix IX, 69, 141 

Armistice Day, 89 

Association for Supervision and 
Curriculum Development, 137, 

Atlantic Charter, 106ff 

Audio-Visual Instruction, De- 
partment of, 162 

Austin, Warren Robinson, 137 

"Authority" rejected, 59f 

Ayres, Leonard, 92 

Baldwin, Roger, 18 

Bardolph, Richard, 37 

Barnes, Harry Elmer, 124f 

American history, teaching of, Beale, Howard K., 20, 85f 




Betsy Ross, 172 

Better America Federation, 86 

Beveridge, Sir William, 141 

Bible reading in schools, 118ff 

Bicknell, Thomas W., 7 

Biddle, William W., 90f 

Bill of Grievances, A, 63 

Bill of Rights, 86, 100, 103, 111 

Bill of Rights ineffective, 77 

Birch, Hugh Taylor, 51 

Black Legion, 77 

Blacklisting of textbooks, 105 

Board of Directors (NEA), 158 

Board of Trustees (NEA), 158 

Bolshevik revolution, 36 

Book Review Digest, 168 

Boulder Dam, 67 

Bourgeoisie political ideas, 37 

Boy Scouts, 26 

Brameld, Theodore, llff, 15 

Brass Tacks, Coyle, 58 

British Colonies, 103 

British concept of state, lOlff 

British under Socialism, 102, 108f 

Brotherhood, 121, 146 

Browder, Earl, 18, 113 

Bruner survey, 133 

Byrn Mawr Alumnae Bulletin, 

Building America called unfit, 70 

Cameron, W. J., 83ff 

California Appelate Court, 142 

California State Teachers Asso- 
ciation, 10 

Cantril, Hadley, 83ff 

Capitalism, 108 

Capitalist system breakdown, 46 

Carnegie Endowment for Inter- 
national Peace, 132 

Carr, William G., 9 (footnote), 

Cartoons, historical, 75 

Centennial Action Program, 157 

Change, 8, 24, 92 

Changing economy, 24 

Chase, Stuart, 18, 92, 167f 

Chattel slavery, 100 

Chauvinism, 86 

Chicago Teachers College, 43 

Child-centered education, 90 

Childs, John L., 24 

Christian Century, 93 

Christian education, 62, 124 
Christian faith, HOf, 126 
Christianity, 104, 117, 126, 174f 
Christian missionaries, 174 
Christian training, 124 
Citizens for a New World, 13 If 
Citizenship, Committee on, 161 
Citizenship Courses, 173 
Civilian Conservation Corps, 68 
Civil liberties, 77, 100f, 142f 
Civil rights, lOOf 
Civil Rights -— Significance and 
Repression, study course, lOOf 
Civil War, 146 
Classical economists, 13 
Classroom Teachers, Department 

of, 162 
Class struggle, 35, 125 
Class system, 17, 26, 32, 35f 
Clergymen, number in U. S., 158 
Clinchy, Everett R., 55 
Clothing unit of Building Amer- 
ica, 80 
Collective planning, 24 
Collectivism and democracy 

equated, lllff 
Collectivism inevitable, 33ff, 57 
Collectivism on world scale, 140 
"Collectivist plot . . .," Kaub, 140f 
College of Education, U. of 

Minn., 11 
Columbia University, 10, 26, 92, 

95, 132 
Columbia University Press, 65 
Combs, R. E., 71ff 
''Coming Victory of Democracy," 

lecture and book, Mann, 112 
Comintern, 81 

Commager, Henry Steele, HOf 
Commission for the Defense of 
Democracy Through Educa- 
tion, 156 
Commission on Youth Problems, 

Commissions (NEA), 158f, 161 
Commission to Study the Organ- 
ization of Peace, 132 
Committee on Economic Goals, 10 
Committee on the Social Studies, 

Committees (NEA), 158f. 161 
Common Sense, Paine, 147 
Communism, 13, 20, 99 



Communism and Socialism, 12, 20 

Communism and World Govern- 
ment, 140ff 

Communism best antidote for 
fascism, 43ff 

Communism lauded, 13, 20 

Communist fronts, 141 

Communist International, 114 

Communist leaflets 92 

Communist Manifesto, 128 

Communist Party, 18, 27, 113f 

Communist-Socialist movement, 

Community of nations, 132 

Competition seen as evil, 14, 164f 

Compulsory flag exercises, 20 

Compulsory flag salutes, 88f 

Compulsory teaching, 20 

Conditioning will of the people, 

Confucius, 51 

Constitution criticized, 22, 32, 76, 
79, 84f, 134f 

Constitution (Federal), 88f, 117ff, 

Constitution ''sidetracking" advo- 
cated, 135 

Constitutional amendments, 78 

Constitutional Convention, 79 

Constitutional delegation of pow- 
ers, 103 

Constitutional limitation of pow- 
ers, 103 

Constitutions (state), 88f, 118f 

Consumer Cooperation, McLana- 
han, 54 

Contemporary Social Problems 
(study course), 179 

Cooperation, 8, 14, 54fr, 57 

Cooperation, training youth for, 

Cooperative League of America, 

Correlation of economic and race 
problems, 55 

Coughlin, Father, 92 

Council on Foreign Relations, 46 

Counts, George S., 165 

Cowles brothers, 12 

Coyel, David Cushman, 57ff 

Credit Unions, Committee on, 161 

Criticism of "American Way" 

22ff, 32, 37f, 53f, 68, 71ff, 76f, 

97ff, 101 
Criticism of Constitution, 22, 76 % 

79, 84f, 134f 
Crusade against religion, 61 
Curriculum requirements, 88ff, 

Cyclic Club, 156 
Dare the Schools Build a New 

Social Order? Counts, 165 
Daughters of American Revolu- 
tion, 32 
Dean, Vera Micheles, 40f 
Declaration of Independence, 86, 

100, 111, 130, 175 
Democracy, 38f, 54, 59f 
Democracy and collectivism 

equated, lllff 
Democracy and Communism 

equated, 113ff 
Democracy and Its Competitors, 

study course, 98rf 
Democracy, a way of life, 104 
Democracy defined, 58f 
Democracy (Grecian), 106f 
Democracy of co-ops, 54f 
Democracy, preoccupation with 

60, Chapter VI 
Democracy, Russian style, 39, 43 
Democracy, sole alternative to 

totalitarianism, 99 
Democracy theme, 104 
Democratic "faith," Dewey's, 59f 
Democratic society, 143 
Democratic thought, 12 
Democratic way called best for 

America, 106f 
Department of Superintendence, 

7ff, 10, 16, 17, 24, 33, 38, 104 
Department of Supervisors and 

Curriculum Development, 65 
Department of Supervision and 

Directors of Instruction, 43, 64f 
Departments (NEA), 158f, 161f 
Depressions related to race prob- 
lems, 55 
Design for America, Brameld, 12 
Desirable Social Economic Goals 

of America, 10, 165 
Devil, 75 



Dewey, John, 10, 14, 53, 59, 95, 

125, 146ff, 165 
Divisions (NEA), 163 
Documents of American History, 

Commager, HOf 
Domestic science, John Dewey 

view, 150f 
Douglas, Paul H., 93 
Dreams, Hughes, 50f 

Economic courts, 181 
Economic democracy, 17 
Economic determinism, 128, 130 
Economic nationalism, 45ff 
Economic Systems in the U. S., 

Coyle, 57 
Economy of Abundance, The, 

Chase, 18, 56f 
Economic of plenty, 8 
Economy of scarcity, 23 
Editorial content of textbooks, 66 
Education and Human Relations, 

Clinchy, 55 
Education and the Social Crisis, 

Kilpatrick, 14 
Education Against Propaganda, 

Education as "force," 137ff 
Education denned by Dewey, 152 
Education for Family Life, 122f 
"Education for International Af- 
fairs," Dean, Vera Micheles, 


Education for International Un- 
derstanding in American 
Schools, 136f 

Educational Frontier, The, 14 

Educational goal, John Dewey 
view, 152ff 

Educational Policies Commission, 
97, 117ff, 161, 175f 

Edwards, Harry Stillwell, 60 

Eichelberger, Clark M., 132 

Electricity a public utility, 67 

Elementary School Principals, 
Department of, 162 

Ellis, Elmer, 83ff, 90 

Emotions, use of in indoctrina- 
tion, 139f 

Engels, Frederick, 114, 128 

E. P. I. C, 92 

Establishment of religion, 117 

Ethnic groups, 176 
Examination of textbooks, 20 

Family institutions, 127 
Family life, 12, 122ff 
Farmers' organization, 92 
Farm Security Administration, 71 
Fascism, 18, 20, 29, 43, 46, 92, 99 
Fascism, greatest danger, 43 
Fear technique, 23f 
Federal Aid to Education, 169ff 
Federal agencies, 171 
Federal control, 170f 
Federal Employment Service, 68 
Federal inspection, 171 
Federal Writers' Project, 63 
Fees, membership in NEA, 159 
Feudalism basis of American so- 
ciety, 22f 
Fieldston School, 97 
Filene, Edward A., 93 
First Amendment, 117ff, 143 
First Inaugural (Jefferson), 86 
*ive Year Plan, 42 
Fletcher School of Law and Di- 
plomacy, 47 
Floodwood experiment, llff 
Food unit of Building America, 

Force in "education," 137ff 

Ford Sunday Evening Hour, 83ff 

foundation of Modern World 
Society, Mander, 46 

Founders besmirched, 79 

Founders feared strong govern- 
ment, 103 

Four-H Clubs, 26f 

Franklin, Benjamin, 86f 

Freedom of religion, 111, H8 

Freedom of speech denied, 77 

Freedom from fear, 164 

Full employment, 12 

Fundamental change, 92 

Future Farmers, 26 

Garnett, A. Campbell, 61 

General welfare, 143 

General Education Board (Rock- 
efeller), 178f 

Gettysburg address, 146 

Girl Scouts, 26 



Given, Willard £., 7, 9ff 

Goal of Education, John Dewey 

view, 152ff 
Goals for America, lOf, 165 
Gold Clause Act, 78 
Golden Rule, 146 
Golden Treasury for the Citizen, 

A, 50ff 
Goslin, Willard, 15f 
Government defined by Washing- 
ton, 103 
Government Ownership (see also 

public ownership), 9 
Government responsibility, 12f 
Grading of students, John Dew- 
ey's view, 148 
Gradualism, 23, 57, 67 
Graduate School, University of 

Minnesota, 11 
Grand Army of the Republic, 86 
Greek democracy, 106f 
Group-sanctioned patterns, 122 
Guilds, 108 

Harper Prize Essay, 57 
Hate and economics, 55f 
Haymarket Riot, 77 
Headquarters divisions (NEA), 

Headquarters (NEA), 159 
Hebraic uxoriousness, 127 
Herndon, Angelo, 100 
Higher Education, Department 

of, 162 
Hindustani, proverbs of, 51 
Historical cartoons, 75 
History of Western Civilization, 

The, Barnes, 127f 
History, John Dewey view, 150 
History, teaching of, 30ff, 97ff, 

Homestead strike, 80 
Hoover, Herbert, 92 
House Committee on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities, 18, 27, 69, 141 
Housing recommendations, 80 
Housing, unit of Building Amer- 
ica, 63 ff 
Hughes, Frank, 180 
Hughes, Langston, 51 
Hulburd, David, 13 
Human nature, 125 

Humphrey, Hubert H., 13 
Hunt, Erling M., 132 

lima, Viola, 69 

Illinois State Teachers Associa- 
tion, 10 
Images, importance in education, 

Imperialism, 86 
Improvement of Education, The, 

Improving the Teaching of World 

History, 123f 
Indiana State Teachers College, 

Indiana University, 10 
Indoctrination, 138ff 
Industrial revolution, 36, 125, 128f 
Inevitability of collectivism, 33ff, 

Inflationism, 92 

International Council for Excep- 
tional Children, 162 
International Court of Justice, 144 
International (also Universal) 
Declaration of Human Rights, 
International Ladies Garment 

Workers Union, 79 
International law, 134, 143 
International police force, 132 
International Relations, Commit- 
tee on, 161 
International Relations, studies 

in, Chapter VIII, 131ff 
International Studies Conference, 

Institute for Propaganda Analy- 
sis, 92ff 
Institutional patterns, 122 
Intimidation of teachers, 20 
Is Communism a Menace?, Brow- 

der-Sokolosky debate, 113 
Isolationism, 86 


Jackson, Andrew, 114 

James, British king, HOf 

Jefferson, Thomas, 75, 86f, 114 

Jefferson's First Inaugural, 86 

Jesus Christ, 174 

Jesus Christ, second coming, 62 



Johns Hopkins University, 10 

Journal of the NEA, lit, 52, 61, 
146, 159, 163, 174ff, 173f 

Judeo-Christian faith, 115 

Junior Grange, 26 

Kallett, Arthur, 18 

Kantian rationalization, 127 

Kelly, Fred J., 10 

Key Men of America, 86 

Keynes, John Maynard, 92 

Kilpatrick, William Heard, 14f, 

Kingdom of God, 154 

King James, 11 Of 

Know Nothing Party, 100 

Kohler, Walter J., 108f 

Ku Klux Klan, 100 

Labor movement, 19 

Labor organizations, 92 

Laissez faire, 8, 32f, 37, 47f 

Lamont, Corliss, 42 

Lange, Oscar, 180 

Laski, Harold J., 180 

League of Nations, 49, 131 

Learning the Ways of Democ- 
racy, 96f 

Legalized abortion, 126 

"Legends" of history, 29f 

Legislative — Federal Relations, 
Division of, 163 

Legislative Policy Statement, 169f 

Lenin, 114 

Lerner, Abba, 180 

Libertarian "stream," 12 

Liberty League, 92 

Life membership (NEA), 159 

Limitations of freedom, 142ff 

Lincoln, Abraham, 86f, 114, 146 

Lincoln School, 26 

Lindeman, Edward C, 93f 

Lindsey, Margaret, 164 

Literature, John Dewey view, 150 

Locke, John, 21 

London School of Economics, 180 

Lovejoy, Elijah, 77 

Loyalty oath laws, 88f 

Lumley, Frederick E., 94 

Lustron fiasco, 81 

Machines enslave men, 52f 

Madison, James, 86f 

Magna Charta, 100 

Mander, Linden A., 45 

Mann, Horace, 52, 147 

Mann, Thomas, 112 

Manual training, John Dewey 

view, 15 Off 
Marriage, sacramental view, 127 
Marshall, Leon C, 10 
Marx, Karl, 57, 60, 92, 114f, 117, 

Marxian theories, 40, 56, 117, 125, 

"Master" class, 18 
Materialist conception of history, 

Mather, Kirtley, 94 
Mayflower Compact, 106f, 110 
McLanahan, C. J., 53 
Membership fees, NEA, 159 
Membership, NEA and affiliates, 

Memorial Day, 89 
Middle class, 125 
Military training in schools, 20 
Miller, Clyde R., 92ff 
Milwaukee Journal, The, 108 
Milwaukee State Teachers Col- 
lege, 90 
Minneapolis newspapers, 12 
Minority Problems in the Public 

Schools, 13 
Miscegnation, 177 
Mississippi Valley Committee, 67 
Missouri v. Holland, court case, 

Mixed economy, 47f, 57 
Moderate Socialism, 19 
Modification of established order, 

Mohammed, sayings of, 50 
Mongrelization, 177 
Monopolistic industries, 181 
Montagu, M. F. Ashley, 123 
Monetary theories, 92 
Montesquieu, 22 
Moore, Robert C, 10 
Moral and Spiritual Values in 

the Public Schools, 117ff 
Morgan, Joy Elmer, 52, 54, 146f, 

155, 165ff, 173ff ^ 
Murray-Kilgore Bill, 141 



Music Educators National Con- 
ference, 162 

My Pedagogic Creed, Dewey, 59 

Myth of race, 176f 

Myths of history, 30f 


Nation, The, 167 

National Association of Deans 
of Women, 162 

National Association of Second- 
ary School Princpals, 162, 179 

National Civic Federation, 86 

National Commission for the De- 
fense of Democracy Through 
Education, 14, 161 

National Commission on Safety 
Education, 160 

National Commission on Teach- 
ers, Education and Profes- 
sional Standards, 161 

National Council of Teachers of 
Mathematics, The, 162 

National Council on Teacher Re- 
tirement, 161 

National Conference of Christians 
and Jews, 55 

National Council for American 
Education, 12f, 15 

National Council for the Social 
Studies, 20, 30, 34ff, 83, 93, 105f, 
123f, 131, 133, 135, 162, 178f 

National Council of Education, 
7, 11 

National Council of Teachers of 
English, 43 

National Resources Board, 67 

National School Public Relations 
Association, 162f 

National Science Teachers As- 
sociation, 163 

National Security League, 86 

National Student Federation, 69 

National Youth Administration, 
26f, 68 

Natural biological behavior, 122 

Natural resources, 181 

Natural Resources Committee, 74 

NEA and American Medical As- 
sociation, joint committee, 161 

NEA Handbook, 159f, 177f 

NEA History, 9f 

NEA lobbyists, 158 
NEA Committee on Economic 
Goals, 10 

NEA Platform, 169f 
Nazism, 99 

Neilson, William Allen, 132 
New Deal, 78, 92 
New Deal lauded, 78 
New Republic, 167 
New Masses, 113 
New Testament teachings, 104 
175 ' 

New York Times, 78, 112, 135, 

Newlon, Jesse H., 26 
New York School of Social Re- 
search, 93 
Norris, George W., 67 

Ohio State University, 94 
Old Glory, 173 
Olson, Willard C, 164f 
"Our Constitution", unit of 

Building America, 75ff 
Overproduction, 92 
Overstreet, Harry A., 53f 

Pacifism, 20 
Pacifistic teachers, 20 
Paine, Thomas, 86, 114, 147 
Parliament, British, 102 
Patristic views, 127 
Paul Reveres, 86 
Pearl Harbor, 93 
Peik, W. E., llff 
Penner, Mildred Pennison, 9 
Pepper, Claude, 168 
Personal Growth Leaflets, 51rT, 

146, 163 
Petition of Rights, 100 
Philosophic Approach to Com- 

munism, A, Brameld, 13 
Placement and advancement, 11 
Planning:, national, 8f, 12, 21f, 

25, 46ff, 80 
Plato, 123 
Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag, 

Plymouth colonists, HOf 
Policy statement, 169f 
Power unit of Building America, 




Prejudice and the Press, Hughes, 

Preoccupation with Democracy, 
60; as chapter subject, 96 
Presidential power, 134 
Press and Radio Relations, Divi- 
sion of, 163 
Pressures on teachers, 88 
Preventive medicine, 126 
Primer of Taxation, A, Coyle, 57 
Prior, Earle, 52 
Private ownership, 8 
Private property, 22, 122 
Problems of American Life (book- 
let series), 179f 
Problems of Democracy, (study 

course), 179 
Production for use, 57 
Professional Ethics, Committee on, 

Profit motive, 14' 
Progressive education, 9, 149fT ? 

Progressive Party, 167 
Promotions in school, John Dewey 

view, 148 
Propaganda, 101, Chapter V 
"Propaganda and the Radio", 

Cantril, 83 
Propaganda Menace, The, 94 

Property Rights, lOOf, 120 
Property rights and human rights, 

37f, 123 
Protestantism, 125f 
Publications List, 160ff 
Public corporations, 181 
Public Opinion, study course, 100 
Public Ownership, 181 
Public Ownership League, 67 
Public Service Magazine, 140 

Queen Victoria, 102 

Race, myth of, 176f 
Race Question, The, 176f 
Rationalization, 127 
Realistic Philosophy of Religion, 

Garnett, 61 
Recreation unit of Building Amer- 
ica, 68 
Redistribution of wealth, 113 

Regional Power Districts, 67 

Reid, Patti, 172 

Religion, crusade against, 61 

Religion derided, 22 

Religion in schools, 117if 

Religious pageantry, 121f 

Representative Assembly (NEA) 

158, 160 
Republic, 87, 96, 98ff, 115f 
Republic, The, Plato, 123 
Research Bulletin, Division of, 163 
Research Bulletins (NEA), 159 
Research, Division of, 163 
Reserve Officers Association, 86 
Revision of history, 31f 
Revolutionary Socialism, 20, 23f 

Revolutionary War, 101 
Roads to American Prosperity, 

Coyle, 57ff 
Rockefeller, General Education 

Board, 178f 
Roman Empire, 146 
Roosevelt College, 180 
Roosevelt (Franklin), president, 

Ross, Edward A., 10 
Rural Education, Department of, 

Rural Electrification Administra- 
tion, 67 
Russia, "evolving," 39 
"Russia," unit of Building Amer- 
ica, 8 If 

Sacred Writings, 50f 
Sacramental view of marriage, 

Sales tax, 170f 
Sanctions, 120 
Sanctity of the person, 122 
Saturday Review of Literature, 

School, John Dewey's conception 

of, 148f 
Science teaching, John Dewey 

view, 148f 
Scottish Educational Journal, The, 

Secular religion, 126 
"Seeing America," unit of Build- 
ing America, 71 



Seldes, George, 18 

Selections for Memorizing, 50f 

Self Motivation, 90 

Senate Investigation Committee 

on Education, 70 
Senatorial treaty powers, 134f 
Sermon on the Mount, 60 
Seven Adventures, Overstreet, 

Sex Mores, 127 
Share-the-Wealth, 92 
Shotwell, James T., 132 
Sixty Million Jobs, Wallace, 166f 
Social Change, 21f, 31f 
Social Change and Education, 24 
Social control, 8 
Social credit, 92 
Social democracy, 24 
Social Education, 37, 40f, 105, 132, 

Socialism, 19f 

Socialism and collectivism, 139f 
Socialism and Communism, 12, 20 
Socialism in Britain, 108f 
Socialism, moderate, 19 
Socialism, moral impulse, 112 
Socialist regimes, 20 
Socialist Party, 18 
Socialistic ideals, John Dewey 

view, 153f 
Socialized conduct, 122 
Social trends, 129f 

Social Studies Curriculum, The, 
33fT, 104f 

Social transformation, 125 

Society for Curriculum Study, 
The, 43, 63ff, 70, 82 

Sokolosky, George E., 113 

Sons of the American Revolu- 
tion, National Society, 63, 86 

Sons of Veterans, 86 

Soule, George, 92 

Sovereignty, surrender of, 133f 

"Soviet Aggression; Myth or Re- 
ality," Lamont, 42 

Soviets as pattern for America, 

Soviets lauded or apologized for, 
20, 23f, 30, 39, 41f, 42, 68, 81f 

Soviets "related" to America, 30 

Specialization of labor, 125 

Speech Association of America, 

Stalin, 114 

Stanford University Press. 46 
State constitutions, 88, 118f 
State Department, 135 
State intervention necessary, 125, 

State level affiliates (NEA), 157 
State religion, 118 
State v. Scheve (Nebraska case), 

Steel unit of Building America, 

Student Strike Against War, 69 
Study and Teaching of American 

History, The, 30, 106 
Subject matter of curriculum, 

John Dewey's view, 148ff, 

84, 91, 118f, 142 
Supernationalism, 86, 126 
Supreme Court decisions, 76. 78, 

84, 91, 118f, 142 
Survey, The, 93 
Sweden's iron ore, 109 

Taft, Robert A., 168 
Task Before Us, The, Dewey, 

Tax Education and School Fi- 
nance, Committee on, 161 
Taxes as savings, 59 
Teacher as social reformer, 26, 

Teachers College (Columbia Uni- 
versity), 26, 125 
Teacher's responsibility in Dewey 

view, 148ff 
Teaching Critical Thinking in 

the Social Studies, 93 
Technocracy, 92 
Ten Commandments, 38, 60, 104, 

120, 122f 
Tennessee Valley Authority, 67f, 

Tenth Amendment, 103 
Tenth Generation, The, Edwards, 

Thayer, V. T., 14 
Theodore Roosevelt High School, 

Third International, 81 



This Happened in Pasadena, 

Hulburd, 15 
Thomas, Norman, 18, 77, 92 
Thompson, Carl D., 18, 67 

Thucydides, 7 
Time, 93 

Totalitarian government, 25 

Transition period, 8 

Treaty clause in Constitution de- 
rided, 134f 

Treaty of Versailles, 135 

"Treaty veto," 135 

True Faith and Allegiance, 156 

Tugwell Bill, 65f 

Twilight of Christianity, Barnes, 


Uncle Remus Day, 88 

Uncommon Sense, Coyle, 56 

Underconsumption, 92 

Unemployment insurance, 92 

Unemployment problems, 91 

Unesco, 50, 136, 173, 175ff 

Unified dues plan, 157 

Union Now, 38 

United Business Education Asso- 
ciation, 163 

United Daughters of the Confed- 
eracy, 86 

United Nations, 50, 132, 136ff, 141, 
143ff, 171f 

United Nations Charter, 50, 144 

United Nations Day, 172 

United Nations Education Serv- 
ice, 172 

United Nations Flag, 172f 

United Nations, Unesco, and 
American Schools, The, 175f 

United States as a World Power, 
The, study unit, 133 

Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights, 50, 141ff, 177 

Universal Military Training, 168 

University of Chicago, 12, 180 

University of Michigan, 165 

University of Minnesota, 11, 13, 
35, 123 

University of Minnesota High 
School, 123 

University of Missouri, 83 
University of New York, 11, 49, 

University of North Carolina, 37. 

University of Washington, 45 
University of Wisconsin, 10 
U. S. Office of Education, 10, 171 
Utopia, 123, 155, 169, 173 
Venereal disease, 126 
Veterans of Foreign Wars, 86 
Victoria, Queen, 102 
Virginity, 127 

Volume of Addresses and Pro- 
ceedings, The, 159 
War propaganda, 93f 
Washington, George, 31, 103 
Wattenberg, William W., 43 
West, Edith, 35 
Who's Who in America, 124 
Wheels within wheels, 7, 16 
Wilson, Woodrow, 50 
Working Class oppressed, 35f 
Works Progress Administration, 

63, 68 
World Almanac, 158 (footnote) 
World collectivism, 140ff 
World Economy in Transition, 

Staley, 47 
World government, 132ff. 140ff, 

World-minded American, 138f 
World Organization of the Teach- 
ing Profession, 177f 
World War and civil rights, 100 
World War III, 135 
X Y Z 
Yearbook of American Churches, 

158 (footnote) 
Young Communists, 27, 69 
Young Pioneers, 82 
Your Life in the Making, Mor- 
gan, 54 
Youth Education Today, 26 
''Youth Faces the World," unit of 

Building America, 68f 
Youth initiative, 27 
Youth problems, 68 

University of 







v^. 1 ^. 


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